s . THE BRITISH AMERICAN. ' From the Examiner. [Few reasonable peOple will refusetheir assent to the proposition that the Tory Dukes and Barons and 'the Bishops are more dangerous enemies to the State than 811 the Rockites and VVhitcboys of Ireland ever were or can‘be. This view of the matter is pleasantly taken by our contem- porary, in the course of the followmg arti- cle.]——Bell’s chsscngcr. ‘ ‘ TIIE JULVISTRY, {RES-S, AND THE “ Vt’hen Isaac \‘v’alten directs the meth- od of passing the hook through the body of a frog, he says—‘ Use him as your friend’; with this amicable spirit the Times has been handling his Majesty’s Ministers, formerly known by the style and addition of ‘ our excellent Ministers; but now hearing no better name than that of His Majesty’s.—- AmOng the many handsome thing's said by the Times, ‘more,’ as it explains, ‘in shame 'and sorrow than in anger,’ is the following: —-‘ These helpless gentlemen require eve- ry thing to be done for them, but have scarcely ever the courage to face an enemy, or the gratitude or generosity to assist a fl‘lCl'ld.’ ‘Ve may stop with this citation ; it is short, but comprehensive as Isaac “'al- ton’s hook. It may be observed ot‘the po- litics of the Times and C/il‘!)ltf(‘l€, that they are like two buckets in a well, when one gors down the other goes up, and so on. by contraries ,; when the Times is ministerial, the Chronicle is radical ; when the Times growls, the Chronicle excuses. The Chro- nicle of Friday, taking up Ministers as the Times has thrown them down, and endea- vouring‘to Wipe. the dkt offtlmmgr and put them on their legs, says—‘ On readers will do us the justice to admit that at an early period we predicted the difficulties in which Ministers would be placed, between the Conservatives and the Radicals! We are attentive readers ofthe Chronicle, but we cannot say that we remember its pre- diction of'the difficulties in which Ministers would be placed between the Conservatives and the Radicals; we have however, a perfect recollection of the Chronicle’s pre— diction of the difficulties in which Ministers would place themselves between the Con- servatives and the Radicals. There is all the difference in the world between the active and the passive of the verb in these circumstances. Ministers pursuing a shabby policy, have run themselves into a false po- sition. To borrow a homely proverb, ‘As they made their bed they must lie in it.’ — It has all been their doing. They have no stars to lay it to or destiny. The whole game was in their own hands, and they would finesse the knave. "" *‘ The Chronicle says---‘ Ministers are honest and determined to proceed as far as they can, with the exrsting Constitution, in the course of amelioration.’ Why does the Chronicle which is as wax in their hands ? In the case of Ireland they have shown us that they will not scruple to violate the Consti-J tution for acourse of promised an. ' a-' tion. They have furnished us with” ap- propriate arguments. They have said that ‘when institutions esteemed the most valu- able, become inapplicable or antagonist to their‘objects, they must be set aside or sus- pended. The Lords are now intimidating the State, the Duke of Wellington is Cap- tain Rock, the Bishbps are the Whiteboys; The necessary improvement of the country is at a stand because every good measure is sure, in proportion to its virtue. of the hos- tility of these predetary bands. Can such a state of things be submitted to ? is it not imperative that something must be done to protect the public interests against this per- version of a power intended for their pro- motion ? This is not the case ot'a dis- trict, a province, :1 country, but the case of an Empire. The intimidation deterring the servants of the Crown fruin measures just and requisite for the good of the peo-s limit Ministers to the existing Constitution, ple must be grappled with, if needs be, by a violation of the form of the Constitution to preserve its spirit, (as ministers phrased it a few days ago in Parliament,) and we can show by the high authorities of the Lords Brougham, Grey and Althorp, that the greater the invasion of the Constitution the safer ; and as we have got our hands in for suspending institutions, a great one may easily,aud in perfect consistenc.v with the newest principles of safety, be suspended upon the appearance of the necessity. the proofof which however. may by present precedent. be rested on notoriety, Not that r we have any occasion fora suspension of the institution. except as it accords with the fashionable doctrine of the safety of ex- treme derangements of the Constitution, for the House which holds the purse, holds the forge of all the authorities, and may melt, solder, and hammer out any forms at pleasure. Again we repeat. Lord Grey has shown us a short and easy way with Constitutions, and where good government is concerned as he liimselt'ebserves, what should be sutl'ered_to stand in its way? Cer- tainly not the institutions whose purpose is to serve to good government. ' From. the Dispatch. [The increase of pauperism during the last five or six years, is, indeed, ‘~ frightful”: and at present we see no prospect ot'a more cheer. i‘ul scene: the government is determined to exact "lilhcs and taxes" to the uttermost far- thing‘, and to drive thereby the honest man to the woi-khouse or the gallows] —- Bell‘s u‘llrssuigcr. FRIGHTFUL PROGRESS OF PAUPERISJI. “ From Returns made to Parliament of the some levied and expanded for the relief of the poor of England, it appears that, In 1827. they amounted to 7,809,088! 18‘28, to - - 7,670,433 t0 - o 1830, to - - 8,161,280 . k . m. 48 ' ' 8,33 ' 183 v Ending 25th March] 0,682,: Is not, is truly appalling P The amount,’a ofiucreas'e, alike unexampled? Nea ly nine millions required to sustain the (lee tute poor ofby far the richest and still mo productive country in the world ! A suiirmor ‘ than sufficient to defray the entire cost at :1. whole of the public establishments of the coun try (were a proper economy exercised)_th Court, the Parliament, the Tribunals, the A "my, the Navy—nay, and even the Church t boot. Well may the English boast of being! inatchless people! For extremes of ever sort, we will match them against the Wort There is no people so wealthy that we cool nctcount ducats with them twice over; non so heggarly that we corild not in? one week show more pauper: than they could do in - whole twelvemonth. Free we are to a proverb “ glorious and free ;" yet such slaves, at th same time, that no man can leave the place 0 his birth to escape the shame of paupcrism, ex cept at the risk of being proclaimed a' rogn and a vagahourl. of the poors‘ rates has been such as already 1 force large portions of land out of cultivation in others, it has caused land to ue abandons altogether. in fhc parish of Cholcsbury, Bucks for instance, where ‘ sixty years ago ther ., was but one person who received parish relief, nearly llll’t'C-l.)lt!'lhs oi' the inhabitants are no paup rs; the rates grcatlyexceed the rents. ‘ and the land with the exception of some sixteen acres, is whol‘y abandoned. No mere differ. ence oi" management could, of course, have brought about such a-change as this : it must have been producul by some decpccated cause which is preying more or less on the vitals o the entire community. We feel convinced that what has happened at Cliolcsbury is but; type of what will lianpbn every where, ift'ningg go on much longer in the way they have been doing for the last six years; the poors’ rates will ultimately swallow up the whole fandcd rental of En land; all the morablOIQoalth o 'the conth will he transferred to Other and happier lands; and Old England will be redu- ('ed from its once “ high and palmy" condition to a state of universal desolation and ruin. Now, what we complain of, in common with many reflecting persons, is that neither this Poor-Law Inquiry, nor any one‘sof the Inqui- ries, which the prcsI-ut Ministers have set on foot, offers any promise of going to the root of this overwhelming evil. Each is something very good in its way, but the whole together do not make up that comprehensive and tho- rough investigation Of‘i-lltfi whole system’ of so. eict-y in England, which is so imperatively de- manded. Fouryears ago Mr. Huskisson point. ed cut very clearly [be was out ofofiice then], the kind of inquiry that was wanted,.when, in calling for a revision of the taxation, he obser- ved: “ The more general considerations to whinhl new claim the attention ofthe House, are these: First- That no other country in Europe has SJ large a proportion ofits taxation bearing directly upon the income of labor, and productive capital; secondly—That in no other country of the same extent, Itliinl: I might say, in none of five times the extent of this kingdom—is there so large amass of income belonging to classes who do not directly'em- ploy it in bringing forth the produce of labour: Thitdly—That no other country wisp large a proportion of its taxation mortgaged ; and Fourtlily— That from no other couflfiy in the world does so large a proportion of the class not engaged in production [including many of the wealthy] spend their incomes in foreign parts.’ Mr. Huskisson thought as we do, that you in many places the pressur . .‘L’nnmd ‘ 5231‘ t l l t 1 1