a thtlegny 8 CN ORR A aetna rena eal + ANS Eile eet is Sli as ee ile cg ily ee eee ee In fact, that system has been adopted by two of ths Banks in New Brunswick : the Westmorland, and the Bank of British North America. The reason why our Bank notes did not circu- Jato frecly in the neiguborirg Colonies is to be found in the fact that the balance of trade is sv much against the Island. 1 do not coincide in the opinions expressed by some hon. members that the Bill shoull, of necessity, }e a Government ne ture. Any member, in my opioion, is justified in introducing su h a Hill without previous reference to the Government, or con- ealtation with its members ; and it should be discussed with- eat reference to any politcal organization. In Great Britain ‘one another; in a Word; they acted towards one an | that spirit of tolerance, charity and mutual forbearance which | | Christians should ever exhibit towards cach other. the principle on which the Bill is based bas met with the! selves would wish to be treated were they in their position, ‘aud not make their religion an excuse for any measures ‘satouring of proseription ? If we take a retrospective view ‘of the site in which the mixed population of this Island lived before the “ No Popery” ery was rai-ed, we wil: find at Protes : Yatholies lived happily together and on | ; of be that Veetestiins eh8 Cathe ct Pali 'stoald they be beard, one fortissinvo stamp will silence them the best of terms: they served one avother ; they assisted | | : . } Here it may be asked, are not we, notwithstanding our | genenal recognition of the mercantile community, and the | roasted system of education, retrograding in the seale of | principal objection to its adoption has been the inconyeniences | which its practical adoption woald cause. As I said before, the system will, I believe, be ultimately carried into practiee in the Island, as being more simple and convenient, and its adoption is only matter of time. ‘The action of the Bill, if it became law to-day, would not depress or enhance the, value of vut produce in the slightest degree. ovilization? An approximate answer to this question ean | be obtained by comparing the persons who formerly ruled | over us with some of those who now hold the reins of Go- | verpment, and also the acts of the former with those of the | - | latter, and with the sentiments expressed by the Islander | in its issue of the 3rd ult. We formerly had the Hodgsons | Che Craminer. | ing ; but while the President encourages it, as he has done | form i i , : sonsideration. Should \formerly, their feelings deserve no consider n ‘they even declare publicly that this stamping 1s neither useful | nor ornamental, and that it makes the institution a braying | and kicking Ass—ociation ) \for the cultivation of polite manners and the promotion of . instead of being an Association useful information, their faint voices will not be heard, or other with | frever. In u home'y adage we are told that straws show in which direction the winds blow, so the stamping to which I have ad- verted will give those who did not hear the lecture on * W il- liam HL., his Life and Times,” an intimation of the manner in which Rev. David Fitzgerald treated the subject. The lecture was evidently borrowed from Macaulay's History of Enzland, cénsequently the characters whith the lecturer drew of James Ih: and William ILL. pattoek of the partiality of that historian. Macaulay's history of these two sovereigns is acknowledged by men of different shades of politics to be partial; he paints James If. in the blackest colours, and William TfL. in the brighest. He makes them mere ideal pic- Mr. BEER—I think that hon. members do not fully under- | Lanes, Havilands, Breckens, Jarvises, Longworths, Palmers, ‘tures. and not @@ they actually existed. Both the Quarterly stand the object of the Bill, when they argue about its effect | Smiths, DesBrisays, Stewarts, &e., men who may have been | upon existing contracts, As I understood the hon. member who introduced it, it only provides that the public accounts be kept in dollars and cents; and it is expected that the adof- tion of that plan will gradually induce private individua’s to act upon the same system, which is a much more simple and easy method of computation than by pounds, shillings and ey OF & : : on. S| e . Although, as in the eases of all important deviaticn* | to the spirit of intolerance ; nor were they desirous of lufring- | party effusions, or as an accession to the works of the British ‘ing on the immutable principles of justice and sound pclicy, | novelists. | ‘give it, and will appear in any colour whieh our prejudices pence. s 2 from estadlisaed usages. the introduction of the proposed system of account would cawe inconven'eace at first, its) superiority over our present method is so great that [ have no_ doubt it will be generally recognized and acted on, before many | years. Lad the Bank adopted it, and made its notes to | represent dollars and cents, thit irstitatio: and the public at | large would have experienced its advantages in the circulation of the notes in the other Colonies. Mr. SINCLAIR—While I agree with the opinions of the last two speasers as to the comparative superiority of th decims! system, | must vote aguin-t the Bill, because I con- sider that the Island is net yet prepared for the great change it would effect. The time will, I believe, soon arrive when it will be necessary to adopt it, on account of its simplicity. | and the facilities for caleulation it affurds. Any radical change in long continued usages has always encountered the prejudices vaturally arising from a depaiture from the beaten track. It is better that we should wait till the experience of the other Colonies shall have gradually prepared us for its adoption. The people are annually acquiring a practical kaowledgé of the system frcm the constantly increasing intercourse with the Americans who frequent our shores and whose dealings are in dollars and ceuts. I do not see how the Bill wou'd affeet-existing contracts by raising our currency to the level of that of Nova Scotia, as stated by the hon. member, Mr. Longworth. The superiority of t e deci- mal system has been already recoguised by some of the Banking institutions of New Bruvswick, whose notes repre- sent dollars, The Island Bank + otes express their value in pounds and shillings respectively. Que injurions conse- quence of this style is that a five shilling note is very liable to be mistaken for a five pound one, and rice versa. I! their value was expressed im dollars, such mistakes woul pot occur. The decimal system offers such advantages th. t its genera! adoption is but a ques‘ion of time, Mr. HOWAT—The country is satisfied with the present system, and I do not believe that the people find any incon- venience in keeping their accounts. The principal inconveni- ence which they experience is ia the difficulty of getting anything to count. The question whether the Bill would alter our currency, admits of no doudt. It wou'd add one- fifth to present contracts, and would comsequently raise the rents to that extent. That alone is sufficient to cause it- rejeetion, for if we cannot benefit the tenantry, we ought at least to do them no injury. [agree with the opinions ex- pressed that we should wait and s e how the proposed system shall work in other Colonies. N» doubt, it may be conveni- ent to merchants to have 1s estab ished, but the great w-jority of the population of :ze [s'and are not of that class Hon. C.1. GRAY—I fe | convinced that ere m:ny yea's the decimal mode of computation will be adopted in England and ibe Colonies, as being at onee far more convenient than our present mode of pounds, shillings and pence. No doubt our currency is in a very extraordinary state, and has bee. subjected to different acts of legislation, which, from ‘ine to time, have been productive of confusion. Some 80 years ago it was attempted to keep dollars in the Island by cut- ting out a piece from the ceatre. and styling the remaining poftion by the old name of dojlir. In more recent times the one-ninth Bill occasioned sowe tempo. ary embarrassment and con‘usion, and encountered opposition which, I agree wth the hon. member, Mr. Sinclair, necessarily attend any iunovaton on long accustomed usiges. IL was myself a witness to the strong feeliugs of opposition to the use o! railvars which were entertained in England on their first in- troduction, but such objections are now no longer entertained. and a similar fature awaits the system propounded in the Bill before the Horse. The hon. member will, I hope, see the propriety of withdraw mz the nessure at present, and biding his time until its advantages will be recognised and its adoption demanded by the people. Mr. MACNELLL—It appears to te the general impres- sion of the House that the Bill wou'd be benefic'a!, but it seems that the pressure from without is not yet sudiciently streng to induce hon. members, who admit that they approve of it, to give it their support. I havealways consice ed i- the duty of this House, as compose! of gentiemen who are tle chosen of the people, to lead the way in all matters of acknowledged improvement ; and [ am particularly surp ised atthe opposition of that reformer, par excellence, the bon. Mr. Coles, who admits the advantages of the system he of- pos. So fir from causing a higher rate of rents, as has been alleged, the B.]] will have an effect directly the reverse, as the augwente) cireulation of dollars and cents will enable Se farmers to setl their produce at more remunerating prices. w/.dethis they will be in a position to pay their landiord wih less trouble and ineonvenience than at present. Altheugt strongly in favor of the Bill, | am not so wedded to it as not to defer to the general opinion of the House, which bes been 86 empatbieally expressed, and therefore I shall not divide oa the amendment of the bon. member, Mr. Coles. fion. Mr. Coles’s amendment, that the Bill be read ‘a second time that day three months, Was then put and carrie’. Wu. M. Howe, Re; orter. Correspondence. as = To ruz Eprror or trax Exautxer. Str.—I trast that the majority of our Protestant fellow- colonists bave, ere this, clearly perceived the monstrous in- justice of the iniquitous policy which some of the party now in power, in this Island, seem desirous to carry out, in order 10 getuia their offices, viz: that of widening and perpetuating the difference now, to some extent, unhappily existing be- tween Uatholics aod Protestauts. There is no virtue more recommended by the Christian religion than Charity. We continually read of its excellence in the Holy Seripta::s and thousands of texts might be quoted therefrom to corrobo- rate my assertion. On the contrary, the person who destroys the spirit of charity, and he who causes misunler-tandings between neightoure, is exhibited in the pages of Holy Writ as odious and detestable in the sight of God and man. There are six things. suys the wise man, that our Lord hates. but his soul has a perfect detestation of the seventh —the saver of discords among brethren. It, then, it is so boteful io the eves of the Creator to sow discord among ‘private iadividaals, how muc) more heinous a crime is it to sow disécrd' and dissension among all the membeis of the community?) Now, it is evideat to the most superfic’al ob- ‘gerver, that it is apparently the desire of certain parties 10 have recourse, for the furtherance of their own selfixh views, to the unjust and unholy dovwe of causing dissensions be- tween Catholics and I’rotestauts. There are no passions or feelings in the human breast stronger et more easily excited than those whieh arise from a religious belief—be it right or wrong,—and noaé perbap» have been productive of more iameutabie excesses. {it appears, therefore, to be the very height of human malice for evy person wilfully to excite or fau theee feelings for any purpose, mach less for political motives; and should he do so, without doubt he shall one day render @ strieé aceouat to the just’ Judge for all the evil consequences white may fluw from hie ‘acts, words or qv: , set 7 Ls it not better for the welfare of this Islam] that the in- habitants thereof should be ou amicable terms,-—and if they cannot be unanimous in their political views, can they not at least Le tolerant towards 0:.¢ another with regard to —— matters? Aad would it no: be more in accordance with the sacred doctrines of Christianity for the majority to act to- ‘in any way inclined to have recourse to the disingeiuous | 1065 nated the ‘great Whig pampilet,” too fond of Family Compacts, but who were, nevertheless, | gentlemen, and who would not descend so low as to eal | Catholics nicknames ; nor were they, as far as [ am aware | expediency of arousing religious prejudice, or of panderin, | by proseribing any portion of the community on acccunt of their religion. But some of our present rulers seem to act as if they considered that the gentlemen above named acted improperly in calling us Catholics, and that the term Romanists or Papists are more appropriate appellations for | us, that an egregious mistake was committed when we were emancipated, for we are now increasing! and, as this is the * age of progress,” it behoves all true lovers of their country, and of the sacred cause of liberty, ** to sound the alarm.” When I say that the present Government exhibit a spirit of unsound, narrow-mindel, prejudiced and illiberal policy towards Catholics, l am not to be understood to include all the members of the Executive; for, I believe that the in- tolerant and exclusive policy alluded to is abhorrent from the feelings and principles of some of them, both as Chris- tians, men and politicians. I have heard it said that when the present Government was being formed, the Honbles. F. Palmer and J. Yeo, representing to tle'r colleagues the at the election, Mr. Yeo to a large extent, and that Messrs. Owen, Join Yeo and Ramsay owed their election to Catholic votes ; representing also that there were many Conservative Catholies throughout the Island, particularly in the Ist Dis- triet of King’s County, that Cutholics formed a large pro- portion of the population, were obliged to bear the burthens of taxation equally with others, aud enjoyed the same pri- vileges as Protestants, maintained that, according to all the principles of distributive justice, impartiality and equity. they—the Uatholics—ouzht to be represeuted in the Execu- tive. These arguments and represeutations were refuted and set aside, as 1 have been infcrmed, by the unanswerable lozic, the profound reasoning, and by the gentlemanly ex- pression of the Christian sentiments of a member of the present Executive, when he said :—* I will not sit at the Council Board with any Papist.” Whether this gentleman aboureJ under ap attack of Aypochondriasis at this time, | know not, but it appears that his opinion prevailed against the en!'gh‘ened and statesmanlike views of Messrs. Palme: aid Yeo. I would respee‘fully ca!l the attention of our Protestant feilow-colonists to the fact that the people ef this Island are divided into two principal classes, namely, the tenauts and the proprietors or their agents. The proprietary party who sre now in office find that the only chance they have ot keep- ing thems:Ives in power is to create a ‘difference be’ ween the tenants on religious grounds. By this ruse, or politica! lodge, they intend to throw dust iu the eyes of the tenantry, 104 endeavour to draw their attention off from the principal grievance under which they labor, viz:—the unsettled state of the Land Quest on. But it is to be ‘hoped that the great majority of the Protestant tenantry will very soon understand the propriety of uniting with their Catholic fellow-colonists in order to have all their grievances redressed. I have no doubt but when the Protestants of this Is!and will clearly anderstand the nature of the contest now going on between the proprietors and the tenants they will not suffer them- selves any longer to be deceived; they will maintain the principle of all Her Majesty’s faithful subjects in this colony @ajoying eqnal privileges; they will not leave it in the power of any future historian to say that of all che possessions of the British Empire, P. E. Island was the only place in which the advantages of the Emancipation of 1829 were, for siying—let the proseriptionists be pilloried to the scorn of centuries. In my continuing my letters after the editor of the that [ bave been actuated by the desire of enjoying the inalicious pleasure of crushing a fallen foe. My sole object 1as been to expose the unjust consequences of the policy re commended by the Islander, and to refute the unfounded sssertions and insinuations, relative to Catholics, made by that journal. On some future occasion, when the pre-s on your columns will not be so great as at present, I may com- m nt cn a portion of the offensive article in the Islander o' tne 3rd ult., which has not yet been noticed. Ln the mean- time, | beg, Mr. Editor, to thank you for having already so kiadly allowed me to occupy so much of your valuable space. I remain. yours truly, LECTOR. Queen's County, March 14 1860. o-—- *« When evil strives the worst have greatest names.”’ REVEREND Mr. FITZGERALD AND THE YOUNG CHRISTIANS. To tue Epiror or tne Examiner. Sta—The admiration which we have for the eloquence of the Athenian and Roman orators becomes more exalted when we remember that its stirring strains often touched the chords of the human heart, es; ecially when uttered by a Demosthenes or a Cicero, whose respective countrymen fully appreciating it gave a willing response—and testifying their warm sym- pathy in the loudest bursts of acclama ion. This sympathy was doubtless expressed by the voice, by the hands, or by some other of those organs best adapted to represent the pas- sions. Some organs of the human body are pre-eminent!y qualified to express the various emotions of the mind. The capabilities of that most beautiful organ, the eye. are well known, and have been often and lovingly described in the glowing melody of the poet, as well as with the silvery tones of the orator. It has been reserved, however, for the present age of improvement to discover the powers of a certain part, or rather parts of the human body,fi r expressing the passions, with which the public assemblages of the ancients, and also the polite circles of the old European States, appear to be totally unacquainted. I need searcely say that the organs to which reference is made are the heels, for in no place a e they so mach used as at the pablic meetings held in Charlottetown, nor at any time did they perform such a conspicuous part as on the evenings of Thursday, Ist inst., and Thursday, 8th inst. at the lecture on ** William IIL.. his Life and Times,”’ by Rev. Mr. Fitagerald, before the Young Men’s Christian Association. At this lecture the passions which the Rev. gentleman excited—joy, pity, contempt, anger and hor:or— were elogantly and artistically expressed, not by the vo ce, the hands, or the eye:, but by the heels of the young Christians, in which harmonious exercise they were assisted by not a few of the elderly ‘and better educated memb>rs of the Association. The lecture on William ILL., like the eloquence which I have nimec, brought out the warm sympathies of the young Chris- tians, tuereby assisting the progress of heel stamping. Al- though this graceful accomplishment has reached a high state of perfection in the Christian Association, yet it requires considerable improvement, for the stamping is un ntelligible on many occasions. Thus at the meeting held on Thursday, Ist inst. an ‘* outeide barbirian”’ entered the room, at which the young Christians immediately commenced stamping their heels, whether in approbation for having the courage to ‘commented too freely on the proceedings of the Associa- tion,’? [am unable to determine. Misapprehension could be prevented in future if the gallant President, who has sufficient leisure, would instruct the young gentlemen of the Associa- tion to regulate the noise made in stamping their heels accord- ing to the a which they disire to express. [ would suggest to the indefatigable Captain of the Gulnare, that the knowledge of musie which he has doubtless acquired, from being President of the Sacred Harmonie Soviety, eould be i dvantageously employed in promoting this object. Thus, by using a few techniealities from that part of music which re- Jates to the force of sound. he could instruct the young Chris- tians to ex) ress pleas re by a Medium stamp of the hee s ; pit performed by @ Forte; and horror by Fortissizxio. A few wards the miuority ia the some spirit in which they thent- }refined persons may fee! annoyed and diegusted st the stamp- fact that they themselves received support from Cuatholies | Islander withdrew from the contest, let it not be supp sed | and Westminster Reviews have shown Macaulay's disregard to truth when it was at variance with his own princi:les and prejudices. Indeed, Maeaulay’s History of England is in- debted solely to its splendid style and highly polished rhetoric for the popularity which it at present enjoys. It has been and probably will shortly be allowed to rank as the greatest of those evanescent Histery will assume any form which we like to may dictate. Now, Macaulay looks at English history with Whig spectacles; and [ mean no disrespect when I say that the Rev. Mr. Fitzgerald looks at it with Orange spectacles, and accordingly only sees the Orange side of the times of William the Third. I think if the Rev. gentleman had the opportunity of reading Lingard's History of Eagland he would have given a fairer lecture. Lingard has written, not as a Catholie, but as a fair, candid, and impartial Englishman. What Niebech did for Roman history, Lingard has done for English history ;—their research has given the student facts, and not fables-«truth, not fiction. A scholar whose fame will exceed the greatest men of even this enlightened period, and one conseqhently capable of giving a correct opinion, deelared | that he knew scarcely anything of English histury until he ‘read and studied Lingard. Rev. Mr. Fitzgerald's lecture contained much truth, but he did not tell the whole truth. It was well written, and em- braced many topics ; but he omitted some of the events which | transpired during the period under consideration, which an | impartial lecturer would have narrated. The lecturer made it appear, in his review of the reigns of Charles IL. and James Il., that the Catholics were continually plotting to destroy | the liberties of Protestants, and that they were the sapporters of the arbitrary acts of the House of Stuart. Now, the Catho- lies in the period referred to were a small minority of the kingdom, and bad enough to do to save themselves from the persecutions and false accusations to which they were sub- jected; and every hi-torian shows that Protestants them- selyes were the warm adyocates of the prerogatives claimed by Charles and James. ** On the day on which Lord William Russell perished, a martyr lo the doctrine of the lawfulness University of Oxford published its celebrated decree in support of passive obedience. | vided Trinity, the preservation of Catholic truth in the ichureh, and that the king’s majesty might be secured both from the attempts of open bloody enemies, and the ma- & : , ; ; jchinations of treacherous heretics and schismaties,’ that learned and orthodox body cons gned to everlasting reproba- | | tion the following doctrines: that civil authority is originally | derived from the people—that there exists any compact, tacit ‘or éxpress, between the prince and his subjects, from the | obligation of which, if one party resile, the other is of course | discharged,—and that if the sovereign govern not. as by the law of God and man he is bound to govern, he forfeits the | right which be previously had to the Government. In addi- | tion, they enjoined ‘ that all aad singular the readers, tutors, }and catechists should diligently instruct and ground their | scholars in that most necessary doctrine, which in a manner | is the badge and character of the Church of England, of sub- | mitting to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake, teach- | ing that this submission and obedience is to be clear, absolute |and without exception of any state or order of men.’ These men were not wicked Jesuits, but sound Charch of England /men, who showed their consistency to their despotic princi- | ples, when five years after, adds Lingard, they felt the incon- ‘venience of their decree,‘ the badge and charactcr of the | Church of England’ were thtown away, and the University | made a present of its plate to the invader. To intelligent | persons it is unnecessary to give further proof that Catholics ; | were not alone the eupportesof the prerogatives claimed by | the House df Stnart, but it may be necessary to many who attended Mr. Fitzgerald’s lecture. I beg to refer them to Lingard, Hume and Clarendon. The trath is that the Catho- ‘ties and Non-t‘onformists supported James H., not because they were admivers of passive obedience, but because they de- sired liberty to worship God aceording to the dictates of their ‘own conscience. This is clearly shown in Lingard, vol. VILL, |page 197. In speaking of the st uggle which was going on | between James IL. and the High Church party, he says :— Fs considerable time, rendered nugatory by the intolerance |. Prom the Churchmen, with all-their pretensions to loyalty. of the Protestant majority ; and the voice of indignation will | it was now plain that he could expect no aid. They had di-- he heard, throughout the length and breadth of the land, | played, some an open, others a masked, hostility. But let him divest himself of his prejadice against other religionists ; ‘let him win their services by employing his dispensing power in their favor; let him establish by proclamation in Eng and, | as he had already done in Scotland, universal liberty of con- 'science. Then No:.-Conformists of ev ry class would be eager ‘to display their gratitude ; and interest, if not affection, would bind them to support the royal prerogative. He might then call a new Parliament; the friends of religious liberty would rally round the throne ; and the repeal of every penal statute would be accomplished without difficulty.”’ ** Under this impression James had addressed a short speecl to the Privy Council. During the four last reigns, he said, Law upon law had been passed to enforce uniformity of doctrine ; but experience had shown the usclessnes of sch enactments. Under them, dissent had increased ; they bad led, in his father’s time, to the destruction of the Government in Church and State; they had perpetuated to the present hour division in the nation, and all those evils which neces- sarily grow out of civil dissension. It was time to put an end to such a state of things. Conscience could not be foreed ; ersecution was incompat ble with the doctrines of Christian- ity: and it was therefore his resolve to grant religious liberty to all his subjecte. In a few days the royal proclamation appeared. Though calculated to produce the same effect as the vreviour declaration in Seotland, it was expressed in very diferent language. As the English law did not recognize absolute powcr in the Sovereign, nor give to the head of the Church unlimited authority in eccle iastical matters, he did not pretend to ‘ cass, disannul and remove,’ as he had done in his other kingdom, but was content * with suspending the execution of. all penal laws for religious offences, and with forbidding the imposition of religions oaths or tests as qua- lifiecations for cffice ;? to which he subj-ined an intimation, that he had no doubt of the concurrence of both Houses o! Parliament in these two measur. s at their next meeting. By the different bodies of Non-Conformists the boon was re- ceived with feelings of gratitude andexultation. They paused not to consider its legality, or to enquire whether the Prince, who thus suspended at his pleasure the execution of one de- s:ription of laws, might, on subsequent occasions, with equal right, set aside the execution of others. In the delirium of their joy they crowded round the tirone to expre's their gra- titude for the benefit of religious liberty. The example was shown by the Anabaptists ; the Quakers followed; then the Independents; next came the Presbyterians: and after them the Catholics, who were careful to attest their satisfaction that the benefit was extended to aj] Christian sects withou’ exception, and their pride that it had proceeded from a Prince of theirown commanion. James received those addresses with self-gratulation. ‘le boasted that he had made his subjects an united people —that he had changed those whom perseeu- tion had before rendcred the most bitter enemies into firm and interested supporters of the throne.”’ A short extract from Macaulay's History of England will suffice to confirm the foregoing remarks in regard to the non- resistence doctrines of the High Church party. When William had taken the throne of James, and was triumphantly received in England, two large and mest influential classes in the state did not follow in his train. * Says Macaulay vol. 3, page 3: ‘+ [t was observed that two important classes took little or no part in the festivities by which all over England the inauga- ration of the new Government was celebrated. Very seldom could either a priest or a soldier be seen in the assemblages which gathered round-the market crosses where the King and Queen were proclaimed. The professional pride both of the clergy and of the army had been deeply wounded ~The doe- trine of non-resistance had been dear to the Anglican divines. It was their distinguishing badge. [t was their favorite theme. if we are to judge by that portion of their oratory whiel has ** beard the jion in his den,”’ or in disapprobation for having |e me down to us, they bad preached about the duty of passive obedience at least as often and as zealously as about the Trin- ity or the Atonement. Their attachment to their political crecd had, indeed, been severely tried, and had, during a short time, wavered. But with the tyranny of James the bitter feeling which that tyranny had excited among them had passed away. The parson ofa parish was naturally unwilling to join in what was really a triamph over those principles, which, dvring twenty-eight years, his flock had heard him proclaim on every anniversary of the Martyrdom, and on every anniversary of the Restoration.’’ He adds that at Cincester a battalion put out the bontires, huzzaed for King James, and )drank confusion to his daughter and his nephew. He las by Pi e : a foee y also to admit that the diseontent was not confined to the black- y f1ano; contempt ‘by Pianissimo ; while ange? might be coats and the red-coats, although a vehement Whig declared vin the House of Commons that ** black-coats and red-cvats were the eurse of the natien.”’ of resistance,’ says Lingard, vol. VIII., page 105, * the | * To the honour of the Iloly and Undi- | 5 Woe eae oe etal Veo It would require more time and space than are at present available to notice all the one-sided statements contained in the Rev. Mr. Fitzgerald’s Lecture. In reviewing the reign of Charles IL. the lecturer narrated every thing which could be found against the Catholics, but nevet mentioned the per- secutions to which they were subjected, nor the falsehoods which were believed concerning them. Why did the lecturer forget to mention the infamous perjurer, Titus Oates, whose falsehoods sent many innocent victims to the scaffold 7 was the great ‘- No Popery’’ man of that age. and though his name wag too uifamous for the ears of the Heuse of Commons of William LIL., they voted Oates a pens‘on of three hundred pounds @ year! Surely the Rey. David Fitzgerald did not suppose that any one would draw invidious comparisons be- tween himeelf atid the ‘ Dottor of Salamanca.” The Rev. Lectuter justified the pasting of the Lest Act; with the stale argument, ** that Catholies were not content with being equals, attd were so restless that they would always become masters’? The Rev. gentleman, however, did not read the Test Act to his aadienée, fot the reason, f presume, that even in the Christian Associa'ion to sophistry or prejudice en!) ¢onceal its folly and tyranny. As many may not know the meaning of this Act, [ will give the substance of it from Ling- ard, vol. VIL; pave 347: ** Every individual ‘ refusing to take the dath of allegiance and sup*emacy. and to feceive the sacrament according to the rites of the Church of England, should be incapable of peblic employment, military and civil,’ and a Bill was introduced requiring not only that the oaths should be taken, and the sacrament received, but also that a declaration against transubstantiation should be subscribed by all persons holding office, under the penalty of a fine of £500, and of being disabled to sue in any Court of Law or Equity, to be guardian to any child, or executor to any per- son, or to take any legacy or deed of gift, or to bear any pab- lie office.” The age which enacted such laws has passed away, but the spirit which engendered them yet remains in a few. In speaking of the opinions urged in favour of passing the Test Act Mr Fitzgerald said that the Catholies in this | Island were restless, especially the clergy, and wished to be- come masters. The lecturer did not attempt to prove this assertion, and will say, I presume, if asked to prove it, with the editor of the Islander, that he does not wish to continue the discussion. One would have sapposed that the false and dangerous accusations of the Islander, against the Catholics of this Island, would not have been repeated after the refuta- tion which they have received from your correspondent * Lee- tor.’’ Some Rev. gentlemen, however, seem to have no desire to allay religious ani vosities while the editor of the Govern- ment organ, like the old scold in Tam o’ Shanter, is “ Nursing lis wrath to keep it warm,”’ until the eve of the next General Election. when having stadied Maria Monk, Fox's Book of Martyrs, The Errors of Popery. &c., he will again stir up religious prej dices to suit and serve his own purposes. The ; arty :f which he is the orga”, know- ing that they have imposed on the people in p acing illiterate men in the Exeeutive,—in failing to retrench the public ex- penditure, as they promised,—in negleeting to bring forward any of their boasted reforms,—in nut having done anything towards settling the Land Question, seem now determined to depart from Conservatism, and depend upon religious preju- | dice in order to prcserve their present position. As a Propri- /etary Government will not settle the only great question which ‘affects the interests of al classes in the Colony—the Land | Question—favorably to the tenants, and consequently against | their own interests, they, like the man who burnt a house to | roast his egg, will strive to set the Island in a religious fer- iment to keep their own nests warm. The Rey. gentleman, | whose lecture is under consideration, being an Irishman. }should know that his country has been groaning under two levils: Absentecism and Religious Bigotry, We ia this Island are cursed with the former, and it seems that before it is re- moved we will be inflicted with the latter. For what other purposes are those lectures given, whose apparent aim is to irritate and arouse bitter feelings ? Why are the lectures on regicides and rebellion not fuir and impartial? Why are not the errors of both sides exposed? Have the Stuarts not hid some redeeming traits in their characters? Was not Charles I. ** elegant minded,’’ and James IT. ** the kindest of fathers ?°’ Let no one say that Mr. Fitzgerald's lecture was fair or im- partial, when I mention the fact that he never alluded tu William’s sanction of the massacre of the McDonalds at Glencoe, nor to the broken treaty of Limerick, and that he mentioned the Stuarts only in words of hate and scorn. In noticing Hon. Mr. Haviland’s lecture, | “ trusted that (tie paid officers of the crown would pause befure they pro- ceeded further in lauding r.bellion.”’ [rejoice to note thar Commander Orlebar has paused, fur at the close of Rev. Mr. Fitzgerald's lecture, the reti raing spirit of loyalty and social order made him d. e!are that the characters of the Stuarts had been to» much blackened by the lecturer ; they were made & dark that he felt inclined to defend them, and that the evils o! those times were owing more to tie ** bloody Parliaments,’ — these are bis words—than tothe unfortunate Monarchs. The President should have found this out before he commenced t winter's campaign against royaltyand in favor of regicides; b t amendment is better late than never. The Rev. lecturer de- nied, of course, that he blackened the Stuarts, and told the President, when he read more he would find that he did not blacken them enough ! Though [ have trespassed too long on your attention, I trust you will allow me to note two instances which occurred at the lecture on William ILI., which to me do not seem to he in accordance with the professions sometimes made in the Association about the love of liberty, and the desire to hear free discussion. On the evening ef the Ist inst. the Rev. Se- eretary of the Aseociation declared, quite seriously, that Loyola was an agent raised by the devil to counteract Luther —that the Papacy was tottering. and that Popery was thi master-work oi Satan. Let this pass, but what shall we say when he blesses Napoleon Lil. for suppressing the Unzvers and the order of Jesuits! I will only remark that the ther- mometer of religious hate must stand high when the Rev Secretary indulges in this strain, fur the Baptists are a quict enoffending sect, and the Rev. gentleman who officiates for them in this city is of the same disposition. But the gentle- man has a stroke or two of humor —he loves a joke, and th: serious members of the Association, having no relish for buffoonery, think that he plays the ‘“ Merry Andrew’’ too often in the meetings of the Association. In order, then, tu regain favor, and to run no risk of losing the £12 for writing the dull notices over the signature of the lone star, the Rev. Lecturer thought, and wisely it appears, that the safest and easiest manner in which to accomplish it was to take a good fling at the ** Man of Sin.”’ im good standing, and that he will not have to dun so often in futare to make each individual who attends the lectures ‘ pay one poor copper.”’ The other instance to whieh I have referr: d occurred at the close of Rev Mr. Fitzgerald's lecture. Dr. Stratton rose and stated some facts in relation to the * glorious, pious and im mortal’? memory of William UI. whieu the lecturer forgot to mention. He showed the perfidy of that monarch in regard to the ** Darien Expedition,’’ after which he narrated, in a manly and truly eloquent manner, the Massacre of Glencoe. Behold! while this gentleman—a ‘staunch Protestant’ well known for his affable manne:s—the companion of the President and otber Gulnare offic rs, was speaking, the lovers of free discussion tried to stamp him down, and when he tinished, after giving expression to sentiments wl.ich every in tel igent Scotchman must feel, the young bearded Chrisuans hipped, booted and whistled at him. Comment on this is needless But from evil comes good. Says Landon, * it is not from the rose that the bee gathers her honey, but ofien ‘rom the most acrid and bitter leaves and petals.” May we not hope then that the outrage which [ haye noted will be the means of making the leaders of the Young Men’s Chris- tian Association use their influence for the future, in the noble effort of trying to promote friendly feeling in this comman.ty. and by so doing they will command the respect of all good men, for we are told by an authority whom all profess to r- vere, that it is well for men to dwell together in peace onal harmony. In conclusion, I would respectfully suggest to Lecturer and the gallant commander of the Gulna pro priety of perusing and studying the Sermon on the Mount. iastead of the dark and severe passages of the Old Testament. Should they do this, they would soo» find men in the pages o” hirtory worth er of being held up t» admiration of the yourg men of the Christian Association han either the r:- mors less Cromwell, or—to use the a iat: epithet ut the skilful Dr. Stratton—W illiam. ++ thes Sabib of Gleneve.”’ T remain, yourset: March 13, 1850. ie CONSERVATIVE. en LT a Eartuquake IN San Satvapor —-On the evening of the 8th o' December there was @ ferrful earthquake in San Salvador. It commenced at about a quarter befure 9 o'clock, and lasted two minutes and 35 seconds. The shock was felt for a distance of 150 miles, hat was severe at Isaleo, where the parish church and about 40 of the best houses, and a number of the smaller ones, were destroyed. In several other towns buildings were either wholly or partially destroyed, but so far as known no lives were lost. On the night of the L0th, at 9.30, there were two more severe shocks. On both occasivas the nights were very clear, but blowing a heavy norther until a short time he- fore the shocks, when it fell calm, but again rose soon after the rhocks. oem — — Holloway’s Ointment and Pills.—Pain is the premonitor of death ; relieve the pain and you check the aisease. The wonderful cures effected by the above remedies have establi+h- ed them as two of the finest preparations ever made known. Che Examiner, | Eee Charlottetown, P.E.I., er ——— March 20, i860, Hel BOSCRIPTION AGAIN—ANOTHER REJECTED CAN- DIDATE IN FAVOUR. | We observe by the laet Ro#l Gazette that the Hon. E. ‘Thornton has been fermored from the Commissionership of Highways for the Ninth District of King’s County, and Philip | Beers, Esqr.. has been appointed in his place. There is, of | course, tio Cadse assigned fot Mr. Thornton's removal ; but _we have no doubt the circumstance may be easily traced to religious arid political grourd¢ Mr. Thornton is a Roman Catholic, and a membet of the Liberal minority of the House of Assembly —two thing? quite sufficient to condemn him in ' the sight of the present Goverfitvent. There is po man in the Colony connected with the difficult service to which he was lately attached who perforited the often laborious and fatigd- fag duties of his offce with mote zeal and efficiency than the honorable gentleman who has been thus visited with the dis- pleasure of the Government on account of his religious and politics] views. contradiction, that there is not to be found amongst the whole Indeed, we may safely say, and challenge thirty-three Road Commissioners in the Island another man’ who is 80 well able to discharge the duties of the office as Mr.. Thornton has done; and we doubt not his removal wilt be’ very sincerely regretted by the people of the district oter which he has so long presided. When the Liberals came into power in 1851 Mr Thornton held the office of Road ( ommis- sioner, which he reecived from the Conservative Government ; and aJthough he was at that time opposed to the Liberals, their own supporters, because they knew the community would suffer by the loss of bis services. Now he is removed—not for any direliction of duty, for that reproach can never be iadependence and support the measures of the Goyernmen’, to whieh, however, be has never given a factious opposition, The Government will, no doubt, uttemyt to justify this arbitrary exercise of authority on the plea that they were pledged to exclude office-holders from the Legislature. If this excuse should be offered—and it is the only one they can make —we should like to know why was not Mr. Thornton displaced last Session, or before the commencement of the present one ? Why was he not requested to resign; or why—and this is much more to the purpose—is not the same rale observed in reference to other members of the House of Assembly? Mr. Beer and Mr, Finlay MeNeill— both supporters of the Govern- ment in the House of Assembly—ho!d the office of Com- missioner of Small Debts, which is undoubtedly an office of emolument. They are continued. If the Government mean to carry out their pet principle in good faith, those gentle- men should at once be recommended to resign, or be remoted. [f we are told that it is impolitie to remove a judicial functijon- ary without some grave charge can be established against him, we beg to remind the Government that last year they removed Mr. McKinnon, of Lot 16, from the Commission of the Small Debt Court, without any fault having been alleged against him. But the principle of excluding office-holders from the Legislature is a sham so long as Mr. Pulmer, the leader of the Government, acts in the capacity uf Queen's Counsel—goes the cireuit — performs the daies which should be discharged by the Attorney General, and receives, in the course of the year, fees fully equal in amount to the saiary of the Solicitor General. Take another instance: Mr. Haviland holds a seat in the Legislature and a place in the Government without office; but his relative and partner in business fills the office of Attorney G neral. Can any one for a moment suppose hat Mr. Haviland is not deeply interested in keeping Mr. Breeken where he is? Take another instance yet: Mr. J. C. Pepe isu member of the House of Assembly and of the Government; bat while he pretends to be an independent member of the Assembiy, he has used his influenee to get the office of Colonial Seeretary for Lis brother, Mr. W. H. Pope ; and was, no doubt, induced to reconsider his late threat of resigning his seat in the Executive Council beeause the Secre- tary might be affected thereby. Tosay that he had no interest in the disposal of this part of the Government patronage would b: a gross d lusion. The same remark will apply, with equal force, to Mr. eohn Longworth and Mr. James Yeo; and it would not be difficult to prove that all the other members of the Government have served the interests of their family con- nexions, if not their own individual interests, in disposing of the public offices n the manner they haye done. The Govern- ment have secured ** the independ -nce of the Legislature” im 4 most extraordinary manner; and they have keyt their promise that ‘* there shall be no more family compacts’ about as faithfully as they have fulfilled that other promise to settle the Land Question. But who is Mr. Philip Beers who takes Mr Thornton's place as Road Commissioner? Why, gentle reader, he is 1 trast that the Secretary is now | another r j cted ( andilate like Mr. Simpson. It was said to ‘@ @ monstrous piece of injustice for the late Government to appoint to any public office an individual labouring under the ‘an of popular displeasure. Taking four rejected candidates nto favour during eleven months’ tenure of office is a pretty good beginning for the present Government and furnishes an admirable commentary on one of the great outcries which they raised against their predecessors. 2 e-+- THE LAND COMMISSION. Ir the members of the Government have one balf the trouble which falls to our lct to answer enquiries relative to the appointment of the Land Commission, we shall be glad to take comfort with them iu their difficulties, and share with them our most heartfelt commisseration. Mails from every part of the country bring us letters on the subject—some conceived in a spirit of the most joyous anticipation of the na'eyon @ays which are to follow the establishment of the Commi when all the arrears of rent are to be forgiven —others expressing doubt of the sincerity of the Govern- pent in propounding the scheme,—ani others strongly com- enting on the conduct of the Executive in ignoring the basis which they laid down for the operations of the Com- mission, and leaving the tenantry at the mercy of the pro- prictors as much as ever they were while they have been cajoled and deceived by the promises conveyed in Col. Gray's resolutions. The late Government were wrongfully accused O creating au agitation on the question of the land tenures ; but the party now in power have done more to unsettle the minds of the people on that subject than all the escheators in the Island have done for the last twenty years. ‘The refusal to pay rent—and this is well known to the honorable members for Belfast—can no longer be traced to isolated cases, The practice is now general and systematic, spread- ing over nearly every estate in the country, and culminating in the very heart of the constituency who returned Col, Gray to propound those celebrated resolutions which recom- mended a remission of rents. From among the many letters which we have received on this subject, asking for information, we select the following for publica:ion, because it is short and to the purpose; and an answer to it May serve as an auswer to mapy others :— Mr Epiror—A public meeting has been held in the neighbouring settlement of Cavendish, a fiw days ago, to consider the Land Question, whieh the present Governmeut nearly a yeur ago ised to settle for us on the most favourable terms. 1 did not attend that meeting, bay- iig been busy in the woods at the time; but some of my neighbours and myself thought of getting upa meeting here in New Glasgow to talk about the same thing, and to ask the Government whether they ever mean to fulfil their promise, and when they will do it. In this matter we naturally sought the advice of our member, who seems to us to bave become very indiffer: nt about the settlement of the Land Question since he has got into aristocrat ¢ company, and sits under the same mabogany Tt is an astonishing fact that they will eure ulcers and sores, even if of twenty years standing, after every other means had proved unsuccessful. . —~ —0 000 If you wish to increase the size and prominence of your eyes, just keep an account of the money you spend foolishly, jand add it up at the end of the year, with a Proprietary Government; bet we were advised to wait—that is _Several days ago—until the next English Mail would come out, by |which Gespateches were expected, auth«r'sing the Lieut. Governor to | appoint the celebrated Land Commission, alter which the question would | be at ovee settled, and so on. Now, you, who live in the city, must | know a!l the news, and as the English Mail arrived in Charlottetown on Wednesday last—so our schoolmaster says—you must know by this time / whether the Duke of Newcastle hag sent the Governor any further de- they never thought of removing him to make way for ove of direeted against him — but because he will not prostitute his* a € “ee *