i‘. gt ...."-75;!’ 5 jflyouiosb’ VOL. 22. TEMPERANCE. TEMPERANCE CONVENTION. Rev. Mr. NAIIRAWAV in seconding the first Resolution said. Mr. Chairman. Ladies rind Gentlemen: The able speech of the never of the Resolution render: it unnecessary for iiie to detain you by any lengthened reirrarke. 'l‘he liesolution asserts. that the common use of intoxicating liquor: is a tremendous evil. No asser- tion can be more readily deiiioiisiriible. lnnuineriilile facts, prove that the ordinary use of those maddening drinks, dethrom-s the reason, eltinguielies the generous emotion: of the soul, benumbs the cori- scienco. God‘: vicegerent in the human breast, degrades man below the level of the beasts thtit perish, delivering him up to the uncontrolled tyranny of the treat passions. and impel: him to that self-murder. which shuts him out ofthe kingdom of God. Nor do the result: of those destructive draught: terminate with the user. He cannot. if he would, suffer alone. His pzirricidal vice brings the grey hair: of his parents with sorrow to the grave; breaks and crashes the food heart ofthe wife of his youth, and bequeath: ii le- gacy of pauperism and uiitaught ruggedness to his much suffering country. And. sir. when you carry your investigations beyond the ecincte of the drunkard’s woe-stricken domestic circle, you b - libld drunkenness paralyzing the industrial nerve of the land. filling the dungeons with the condemned and furnishing the scaffold with victims. Without doubt, in all landii, the coiiiirion use of intoxicat- ing liquors is ri trainendous evil—everywln-.re inuliiplying poverty and crime. ini-aer and taxation. 'l‘his evil. the Resolution says, must be iibolishe . You have been iitierriptiii it for years. have effei-tr-d much. but the evil is far. iiiimeiiauriibly far, from being abolished. What do you purpose to do now .’ You have, sir, reclaimed irtanv forlorn and fallen ones liy your sympathy and truth. your persuasion and pledges; but there are many. w ioiii you cannot save b such means. You have preserved ii.yri.-ids. of the noble youth of the land from the coritaiiiiniition of the iiifectiou: evil, but an equal number of equal promise have been strickeii down before your eyes by the terrilile plague. You have induced many that were engaged in the ianufacture and sale, to abandon a triillic fraught with indescribable woe to the best interest: ofthe huirian faiiiily—biit lllr‘ river of death still overflows all its b:nks—l fountain of iiii-. ._i slvtrvs no sign of exhaustion—the fires of "ophet still blaze with cud iniiiiehoed fury. W'liat is next to be done.’ Sir. you must still ply your logic. array your facts. cnfiirce your appeals, and cast the warm riiantle of your eyrnpatliy. over the treiiililing and sinking hopes of your perisliirig brother man—brit you must also arouse society in its collective capacity. you ttiust invoke the iriiijo-sty of the law—-vou uiust summon to your aid the ariit of legislative I\V('l’. Why ‘should not this be done .’ Are not all those aiair-ii.i inte- rerits, which it is the province and duty of civil government to conserve, threatened with utter ruin liy that trarlic. without which intemperarico could not exist for an hour. I: net the protection of life and propert a principal design of the inflfiion of Civil Go- verrtmsntsl Km not both property and life destroyed to an extent perfectly heart-reading. by the use of intoxicating liquors.’ If the manufacture and sale of those drinks were prohibited by law, the prohibition would be just and wholly in ccordance with the proper end: ofsecular government I If societ has the right to stiy. thou shah not kill thy fellow-man with swor and pistol. with arsenic or opium. has it not the same right to commend, thou shalt not eliiy him with gin or briindy, with ru:ii or whiske ' ? Imagine, Sir. that almost within the period of each month in t is Town or in some of this Island, the body—-the murdered y of: country- man should be foeifl—scarcely a month without a new victirii-— uow drawn from the her circles. and now dragged from the huinbler wallte oflife, but all foull slain—wiih what horror would not tlis whole community stand ag at? Every resource of legis- lation. of justice. of executive power and private zeal would com- bine to unveil the mysteries. and punish the perpetrators of such dreadful crimes. Suppose inoreaver. that these bodies. as in the unhappy Webster case. were all cruelly cut and mangled and dis- membered. as if in very wuntcnness of cold-blooded ferocity. the horror of the public sentiment would be intensified to an sroezirrg degree. Now. Btr. the fact is stronger than the fiction. In this Colony. there have been many untimely deaths——miiny more are likely to ensue, and yet. lrocnuue there is no sign of pistol or dag- ger wounds. no symptom of arsenic. or opium, or prussic acid, or poisons of kindred nrime—-societ must triake no iiiquisition for blood—tske no leg:il nccountiibility upon the prime agents of this fearful slaughter-—and take no effectual step to prevent the fI‘[M'll° tion of such soul-harrowing deeds ! This is the old diictriuc——tlic ancient superstition. which is about to be exploded forever. But. Sir. the niangling in this case takes place before deritli—iiot when the lifeless li--dy is insciiaible to indignity an :tin. Yes. Sir, be- fore the body is dead. the brain and heart an soul are stretched upon the rack-—tlirougli long years, the mind and heart are rriangletl and tortured with agony and despair. Every drunkard feels Every man that makes his fellow-iiian ii diunkurd ought to know it. and that he is in the sight of out raged liutiiniiity and humanity‘: God, accountable for it all. rid the coiriinunity, through its civil go- vernment must do its utmost to destroy a traffic which, vairipire- like, has been draining the life-blood of the unconscious sleeper. It is in vain. to reiterate the old theory of inornl ituasion. The un- happy siictim of lnteniperaacc. when totally enslaved. is pow- erless for resistance in the larger proportion of cases. Ile tremble: at the fate which threatens him. He shudders on the brink ofthe hell which yawn: at his feet—but the fas- cination of the serpent. which wreatltes the cup of sorcery, draws Iiim on. From the ruins and places of his nature there come: forth the despairing wail of his piteous iiiisery. It must wake from it: lethargy the eluinbering people. The cup of riboriiiiiation: must be broken by the strong liaiiil. and the serpent‘: head crushed by the ririghly heel ofavengiiig Law. Car-rarir Giigusau. R. N., moved the second Resolution. as given in our last. Mr. Chnirriian—:aid lie—lf there is any subject on which I should wish to speak well and clearly. it would be the impor- t:nt'subjsct of this Resolution. You have heard many good reason: for temperance. and each class of hearers in this room have been severally addressed, exhorted nod persua I am sorry. that the consideration of this and kindred Resolutions. has not an equally large and crowded audience. as was observable in this Hull yester- day evening. at the Jews’ meeting. Yet it is for a subject iiitiiiiiite- I rieeted with religion and our social udvunceritcnt.—-u subject dyeserviiig the warmest interest of every one, who is desirous of see- ing his fellow nraii freed from the continued dangers and miseries arising from inteniperance. How is this-—alivo to the claiiris of the Jews. aml blind to the claims of 'I‘einpersnce—the upper—crust of eociety. as my friend Mr. Arbuckle would say. the educated. the noble. the high-born, the genteel stand a oof from us. now there is more than ordinary attraction elsewhere this evening; but I know also. that the principal obstacle to their attendance is. the ordinary custom of what is called societ . we are brought up too much in the atmosphere of drink. to realise the burnt ofdrinlting wine. Our father‘: knee and : sip at our father‘: hiss. belong to the-recollections of earliest childhood. and lon f'ore we have arrived at man’: estate. the dririlting of two or three glasses sf wine daily has been fl confirmed _habit. even with our most eliuate and refined ‘otrug ladies. Let me say. moreover. that the habit of Ilperfltlotre living. of tarrying long at the dinner table. of evening partieb and hot suppers. so coiiiirion, as not to be considered incorrect or improper. all coiiiliino to make the genteel. par excellence. sliuri all temperance associiitioris. We want. I am convinced. as much a reforniatioa in high life. as in low life; but at pausent. we may look in vain for so great a g again. I must say. tint for the improvement. we restupoii the masses. Yes we rest upon those principally. who engaged in life's sharp strug- gle for ai'li:‘teria sail supprat efthsvzelves apdTfuiiiilies, feel ex- riinenta y, w great a I rei it 0 sin .rance rinci- lples would bring them. Yee,of Er greate'r conseqireiibe is thep'l‘em- entice Reform in the welfare of the ruueeee. I In any measure be- E ‘ Put suit the druukard’s'cep. and close the drain-shops. and we shall seen use our eoeritryuieneat ofdebt and free indeed. I could enlarge ispori this subject; bet I mu; rgmgm. bar. I have now to coniirisnd t tsrins af.th'I flemlstliia to our notice. It is priiufirl to express an opinion. as uoulsiiiriarory the ti-sluts srtlsin spirits. tisitniiti isrriiih; sad I would this hope. itat the I expression of eosviotioa. may lead thus: this in . to consider their position. and perhaps. to feel their si- t ‘that flcbththneebl by rsuislslrig is this s-flay-sat. In secoriding the Resolution. Rev. Mr. Raise observed. that he felt the iiiiportiince ofsa ing just what should be said. and not say- ing uny thing which oug t not to be sai u had seen the three esolutions. 'I‘liey armed a climax. The first represents the evils of the common use of intoxicating Liquors. and our deteririi- niition to sbolis it. The second refers to the trsfiic. and the third, to the mean: by which this abolition is to be effected. Ifthe first expressed a truth. ~the next two followed as a lIl’lI.l.Bf of course. Aiidwhu could sdequatelyprirtray the evils resulting from Ardent Spirits.’ ls poverty an evil.’ 'I‘ iey produce and they aggravate ls_:iclmess an evil.’ they produce and they aggravate I: tirsanity an evil? they produce and they aggravate iii- suuity. What the poet says of Sin, iniiy be applied with scarcely any modification to uni. “ \Vhat havoc hast thou made. foul monster. " Rum," Greatest and worst of ills! The fruitful parent Of woes of all dimension: ! All noxious thing ! Of vilcat nature ! Other sorts of evil: Are kindly circuinscribeil and have their bounds, The fierce volcano from his burnin-_-, entrails. That belchee molten stone and globe: of fire. Involved in pitchy clouds of smoke and stench. Mars the adjacent fields for some league: round And there it stops. The big swollen inundation, Of mischief more diffusive. ravin loud. Buries wltole tracts ofcoontry. threatening more. But that too has its shore. it cannot pass, More dreadful far than these. " llutn " has laid waste. Not here and there a villiige, but it war ii ! - Blasting tlie foodfiil grain. the loaded branches, Arid iiiarking all orig its way with ruin ! ccursed thing ! 0 where shall fancy find A proper name to cull thee by. expressive Of all thy horrors.’ l’i'egiiniit woinh of ills! Of temper so transcendently rnaligii. 'I‘h:it toads nnd serpents of most deadly kind, Compared to thee are harmless. Sicknessee Of every size and symptom; racking pain: And blueet plagues are thine. See now the fiend Profusely scatter: the contagion ronii .’ Whilst deep-mouthed slaughter bellowing at her heels, \Vndt-.s deep in blood new spilt; yet for to-morrow Shapes out new work of great unconiiiiori during. Arid iuly pines till the dread bloiv is struck." The speaker went on to show, thattbe killing of people by giving llIl'lII poison. in the shape of Ardent Spirits. was as really itiurder. as killing them in any 0ll|t'I‘ way. and indeed, tiiurder of the worst That robbing people of their money. by giving them that ivliicli was itiftiiitel worse than nothing in return, was robber of the worst kind. '1' e aboiiiiniible traffic. can only be defended’ by the s:inte arguments that would defend smuggling. stealing, robbery and piracy, upon the hi h seas. It ought not to be endured for a moment. Vhat was the Slave trade compared with it. Scitrcel worth it thought. The voice of suffering humatiity riiust be lieardl: 'l'lte oppressed and the indignant comirruity then should rise in their great strength, and throw off this incubus. Heaven speed the day ! Itcgtetatttir iatgccrulngu. House or ASSEMBLY. Wurnvusrunr I8th. AFTERNOON Sl'l"I‘ING. Hnusi: IN (,'o.\i.vii1-rein cs ~riii: REPDIIT "or rii: Sncisr. Coiiuirrse, APPOINTED 1-o Rirroar on Eoucntou. (Continued) Mr. HAVILAND in the Chair. Mr. I\I0O_‘lF.Y was satisfied with the amount of 9:. 2d. on the ivildcrness lands. It was quite enough, as the Proprietors received no benefit from tlinse lands ; an 6s. ( . was quite as much as the tenant could p.'i_v.tilt iugh it was true his children. if he was blessed with any. would, no doubt. receive some benefit frnin it. But how min ' a poor man was there in the Island who never saw the face of his own child. and who. in pll probability. never would; and still he would have to pay the tax of lis. 8d. for the education of his neighbor's child ! And, with all this .-tnring us in the farce. are we going to let it class of gentlemen get ofi' Scot-free tvlru. most of all. were justly liable to a tax for the education of their tenants‘ cliild- ren. These gentlemen were driving about. through the streets of London and elrcwliere. a continual drain upon the olony. Ab- sentceisiri was the brine of all countries ; and yet we must lot our abseiiteo proprietors enjoy all these privileges without interfering with their lniids in any shape or form. But, Sir, those days were gone by. never to return a trio. he hoped. If thos gentry were not willing to do that whit: they ought to do, it w s the dirty of the Representatives of the people to couipcl them. His aiiiendirrciit was founded in justice. 'l‘ake Lot 34, for instance. There was not a more respcctalile class of to-iiantry in the Island, than they who were settled on that Lot. They paid their rents regularly ; and was he to be told. that we were not to compel the Messrs. Montgo- mery to contribute towards the education oftheir tenants’ children? He might be told. that to endeavor to make them do so would litter- fere with the passing of the Faliiczition Bill. But. iftliere were good rurlsurll for entertaining such a fr-.iir.it was time for them to cease legis- lating on any matter connected with the lands, unless it should be for tliepliicing of an additional buithen upon the tenrintry ; and, l'or such it proposal, they could tind advocates enough. But should it be pro- posed to meddle with the proprietors. the were to have all Downing Street about their ears. Ilow frighten some hon. members were of Earl Grey and the Proprietors. Yes. the Pro rietors had access to the ear of the noble Secretary no doubt ; but et the Government act as they ought to do, and what would they ltavo to fear? The Country had sustained them well. 'I‘here never had been a Go- verniiii-nt in any of the Colonies supported in the same way lll which they ltiid been sustained. Several of the members of (iovernriieiit had accepted Office under the new system ; and lied they not, in some iiistaiiceit. been returned by it show of liaiids.’ And others of them had been supported by the tensntry. while the Proprietor’: A rent, in one case, was the opposing candidate. Did not the people tliiuk. when they were doing so. that their condition would be but- tered it those whom they were instrumental in raising.’ They did. Sir. flye (Mr. Mooney) knew they did. Ilut that they had been deceived and mistaken in their opinion: was quite plain. when it was found that the Gnveriimeiit were afraid o imposing ii tax of one lialf-penny an acre on the rented lands of the proprietors. ‘ would be an instructive son to the tensntry of the Island ; and it would give liiiiiselfa great deal of peace ; for he was known by the English, Irish. and Scotch. aye. and by the I-‘rencli too, and, when he met with any of them their question was. “ Mr. Mooney what are you doing for us?" He would now have to answer. " Nothing, unluae tcacliiiig you all for nothing : givmg you free education, by imposing a tax upon our land. and on your tea. molasses. and sugsr." If we are to rave free education. let as have funds at our disposal, that it may be of seine service to the people; but the ropoued tax will not half pay the master: that are now etrrplo ed. a I8-I8. he saw. by the Census. the number of rhildren under six- teen years of age was 29,732; and taking the one-half of that number as a criterion to go by. (which considered a just propor. tion,) allowing 50 scliolnrs to each school. there would be required 207 schoolitiastora ; and to allow escli of these £50 a year, would require an annual expenditure, for the urposes of ucutioo, of 12” Were they prepared to raise t t amount? They were not. by the fliruey _msa:ure proposed by the Report. Let them impose a tax as his amendment proposed; let them draw from savor’ available source. to place the s stem u n u selficientl extensive and firm basis ; let them give t it proceeds of the Fishery Reserves for tho sup rt of general education ; let them svids for the support of the system. as he proposed ; arid. inste of delud- ing, and. at the same time. increasing the burtheu: of the people, they would confer a real sad lusting» benefit upon them. Mr. A E8 would support the seisadinsrit of the ho. member for the second Distrist sf Been’: Cossty Mr. |uspsy).bnsms it was based 0: inequitable prlaeipls vr ieli i ‘zit-" CHARLOTTET0ll’N,PR.INCE EDWARD ISLAND, TUESDAY, lI'ARCH.l6, 1852. recognises the liability of all persons. possessed of rsteable pro- perty. to be taxed for the support of a public measure which we extend advantages of the highest character to all. If the Bill for the Encouragement of Education were to be introduced, in pur- suance of the recommendation contained in the Report. so far as respeoted the extent of the land tax. it would be a direct violation of that equitable princi le ; because. whilst it would impose a tax upon the wilderness an unproductive laud: ofthe Proprietors. and also upon all leasehold and other occupants land. it would allow a class of men. who drew liir e income: from their estates in this Island. to escape Scot-free. t would. indeed. be a positive injus- tice to the people to allow absentee proprietors. who drew from the Island, annually. rent: to an aiiioant which exceeded our annual exporuttions. to be exempt from bearing is due share of the general burtlren intended to be imposed for the support of the contemplated free educational system- Hon. Mr. POPE. The prqpiosed amendment, if carried into efliict. would amount to a con cation of the estate: of the Pro- prietors. lie was far from being influenced by any undue feeling to favor of the Proprietors ; but he would ask any reasonable person to say. whether~a tax of 9:. 2d. the hundred acres, upon their wilderneu lands, was not a heavy iui ition. Beside: Lot 84. Sir James Montgomery had a very extensive estate of wilderness land. on which. under the operation of the contemplated Act. in connexion with the existing Land Assessment Act. he would be subjected to the payriient of a tax of 9:. 2d. per I00 acres. The existing penal tax upon the wilderness lands of the great Proprietors paused very heavily upon them in some instances. "ak orrell Estate: for instance. from which. notwithstanding the num- ber of tenants upon them. the nizinsgers, he liiid been iiiI'ormed by theiiiselves, could not. at present, raise as much as would enable tlieiii to pay the land assessment ; and they had, consequently. been obliged to draw upon the proprietor ut home for the deficiency. any one question. more than another. required to be deliberated upon, by the Lo-gisliiture. with iitinds entirely divested of all party feelings. it was the all-important one of education; and nothing ought to be mixed up with it which could be at all likely to militate against its usefulness. or to prevent its receiving the Royal Assent. He was, therefore, decidedly opposed to the proposed amendment; for he was convinced that its adoption would call forth so uruch hostilitv. to the general measure. on the ' as might. for a time. completely defeat the object of the Asjy. with respect to it. But, although he argued against the propeeition of the hon. member (Mr. Mooney.) as if it were practicable to carry such a measure into effect. he felt persuaded, however. that it would require the exercise of much more ingenuit . than he be- lieved liiin to he possessed of. to prepare uucli a ill, as would render the measure effective in direct contravention. us it would be. of the covenants and conditions of the Lease: granted by the Proprietors. Iliid its object been to compel the registration of the original Grants. be (Mr. P.) would have cheerfully supported it ; but this Act had been disallowed as being repugnant to the general principle: of Law. which did not require a person to disclose a defect in his title. He had tnade hiinself pretty generally acquainted. by reading. with the different riiodes of taxation which had been had recourse to in other countries. and the working of them; and one result was a conviction that the most hateful of all taxes was an Income Tax. In ‘ngland. or wherever else it had been tried. a Property Tax fairly levied would not be so objectionable; an In- come 'I‘ax had always been rega ed as a moat inquisitorial measure. If the should impose a Kent-Itoll Tax pen the Proprietors, and it shoal receive the royal allowance. it was very questionable how far it would benefit the plu ; but one thing certain was. that it would cause the land s to be much more stringent and severe in the election of their rents. And. as respected the Proprietors themselves, to _v such heavy imposition: upon their property, would elinost amount to a confiscation of it; and. in fact, they might as well bring in a Bill for that purpose at ones. He ( always withstood such extreme measures. because he held it to be impolitic and unjust; and, on that account. he would continue to oppose it. 'I‘h:t the proprietors should be made to bear a reason- able and due share of the public biirthens. and particularly those applied for the education of the tensntry, was, however. what he had always considered a. just proposition; yet. still he was psi-- suadcd. that to support the Resolution of the hon. member. (Mr. Mooney.) would be to sin against the interest: of the people, by defeutinga measure that they had so much at heart. He. therefore, must vote against it. Mr. MOONEY. The hen. the Treasurer said be (Mr. M.) was not sincere; and that his amendment was on y u side-wind. He would tell the hon. the Treasurer. that there was no side legislation about him. lie was more frank and straight-forward than ever the lion. the Treasurer had been during|his legislative career. Ile (the lion. the Treasurer) lied told him a ought to bring in it Bill inde- pendent of the School Act. But he wanted his measure carried. and. therefore. he would make it contingent u on the School Bill. 'l‘lie lion. Treasurer had, however. intimated is opinion, that be (Mr. M.) was not nlile to prepare such a measure. Ile begged leave. in reply, to tell the hon. the Treasurer. that he was quite as com- petent to fill any situation to which he had ever aspired as he (hon. Mr. P.) was. What had he to do respecting any Bill which he might wish to introduce. but to at his view: in writing. and the Law Clerk was bound to put the same into legal form; for the country paid him to do so; and, in justice to that gentleman. he would confess he was very attentive. He (Mr. Mooney) was asked to withdraw his motion ; but if every man in Prince Edward Island were to ask him to do so, his answer wou " o . et h‘ legislative life depend upon that Resolution. Let the hon. the Treasurer advise the Governor to dissolve the House to-morrovv: let him vote against his (Mr. M's.) Resolution. and there was not ii constituency in the Island. before which he would not face him and defeat him. The Resolution was founded in justice, and he would be willing to stand or fall by it. LARK opposed the amendment proposed by Mr. MOONEY, who. he observed. did not appear to have calcula- ted the expenses of such a tax as lie proposed with respect to the small freebulders and tenants, who. he believed. could not, by any law that the Legislature could pass. be relieved from the payment thereof. From a calculation which he had made, he found that according to the scheme roposed in the Report. the proprietors would have to pay near y £2000 yearly. whilst the small freehold:-rs and tenants would only have to contribuia a little over £3000: the £2000 on the part of the proprietors was as much as they could in iustice. be called upon to contri- hate. The adoption of his (Mr. Mooney’s) resolution, if by it the tax could be fixed upon the proprietors, would damn the measure altogether. It would cause the proprietors lo exert all their influence against it, with the Home Government ; and the Bill would eventually be lost. He (Mr. Clark) himself had presented a petition against the additional tax of one-hslf- pt‘nll_V an acre. as proposed by the Report; but. when he had fully considered the proposal of the petitioners, which was that such an appropriation sboitld be made from the general reve- nue, for the encouragement of education. as would double the amount of the Government allowances now made to teachers. on condition that their employers should, in every instance, tslla an equal amount. by sssi-sstnent o themselves, so as to raise the salaries of the teachers to sixty and ninety pounds per arinurri. he found that such assessment would double the amount of the tax proposed by the Report: and he. therefore. clearly saw that such a proposition. as a general one, would quite impracticable : for if the people could not ay the mode- rate tax oftls. Hd. per I00 sores, ssit was asserts liy some. they certainly would not be able to pay one of double the amount. According to the scheme laid before the Committee by the hon. leader of the Government. there would be taken annually from the people, in the shape of taxes, for the purposss of ediication. to the sinount of 0000, and £3000 from the gene- nl revenue. Bat were that ofthe petition adopted, the poo I: would have to raise upwards of l000l : year, and double that amount would have to be appropriated from the general revenue. E(lIlCIll0fl throughout the Colony was very far from bring in a «prosperous state at present. as might be sun by a reference to the School Visitors Reports. In ms, there were ll iiisriy teachers are layer! in the country as are now engaged; and yet the pope stiori bad itrereaesd oar-third. Uiilsss something E. n. :- 9 if- I .».i.ii.»s‘im....».:.i.-i~.ii~.*. . -‘-:sy.sqx_~5-v-‘<.,\\‘.-;.--qi.ii-fisc,ry’Hau',/ arrange omits. N0. 1148. eflectusl should be done to foster the interests of education. it was very clear to hint, that they must retrograde. On ruuture deliberation, he was convinced that the scheme contemplated the Report was, at present, the only feasible one : "3 ll! would therefore. support it. He did, indeed. very uiiieh re- gret. that in doing so, he would have, in some degree. to act in opposition to the views of his constituents. with reference to the question ; but, so convinced via: he of the propriety of his determination. that he would be willing to risk his reji-ction by his present constituents at another election, o: the vote in favor of the scheme, But, before that time arrived. if the measure should be carried into Law. be hoped the working of the system would have been so successful s: to have convinced all that it was the very best and most economical that, under existing circumstances, could have been devised ; and infinitely preferable to the old system, by which a poor tenant farmer had to pay 9! or 31 a year out of his grain, for the schooling of one of his children. Mr. M‘NEll.L. If they could devise any practicable scheme for the furtherance of the interests of general educa- tion, without, at the same time, throwing any additional bar- then upon the already overburtliened tensntry for. the support of it, he would re'oice at it, and the scheme should have his hearty support. at with respect to the taxation scheme, contemplated by the Resolution, and which the hon. member for Priiicetotvn (Mr. Clarlt) was persuaded would tie it etrrs for the evils or imperfections of the resent defective educational system of the Colony he (Mr. M‘ rill) was of opinion, that the care would be worse than the disease. He cheerfully gave the hon. member at the head of the Government (Mr. Coles) great credit for the attention and ability which he had devoted to the important question of education ; but be (Mr. M‘Neill) was of opinion. that that hon. member. in his great zeal and anxiety to give the country a better, and more eflicient educa- tional system than the present one, had inlensibly allowed himself to overrate the resources of the country. Ifthe rus- 'ority of our people were freeboldars, as in the neighbouring rovincrs. the imposition of an additional land tax for the pur- poses of education. might justly be had recourse to, and would, no doubt, be cheerfully submitted to. But. uaiortunstely, the case was widely different; for the great msjoiit of the people were subject to a tax of 51 sterling : year, psi , in the shape of rent. to the proprietors. Nor was this all, it appeared be- side-. that there was due. from a portion of them, about 40001 or 50001 for sesd-grain &c.. with which they had been supplied on credit by the Government, in the years ’47, '48 an ’49 which it was admitted, on all hands, that they were unable to pay in money. Now. if the people were in such circumstan- ces, as not to be able to pay that amount, after a credit of: years, he could not imagine how hon. members ex ted that they would be able to pay an additional land-tax o 4:. 2d. per hundred acres. Hon. Mr. COLES. It was a most erroneous idea to sup- pose. that the imposition of a tax of-ts. 2d. per hundred acres. for the urposes of ueation, according to the scheme set forth in the eport, would be an increase of the burtliene of the tensntry ; and he was indeed surprised at the rtinscity with which some lion. members adhered to it, in spite of the repeat- ed and very clear explanation: which had been sfiiirded them not-rning the manner in whieb the scheme would 0 rate for the benefit of the tensntry in geiier:|,bist t eislly r.thst of the poorer class of them. What could be c rarer. than that it won d be a great, positive, and direct benefit to a poor man, the father of a family of four or five children. who had been paying, at the very lowest, at the rate of 90:. a year. for the schooling of one of his children. to have the whole four or live educated for 4s. 9d. or 2:. Id. : year! With res t to the Resolution of the hon. member for the Second istrict of Queen’: County, (Mr. Mooney.) the object of which was to impose a tax of dd. an acre on the leased lands of roprietors, to be paid by them, and not by their tenants, he (. r. C.) had always wished for the imposition of such a tax upon the pro- prietors ; and in the first or second year in which he had had the honor of a seat in the Assembly, he had proposed a Rent Roll Tax; for he held it to be very unjust, that proprietors should have it in their power, by the covenants and conditions oftheir leases, to devolve upon the lcnantry the payment of all taxes or public burtheiir, imposed or hereafter to be imposed, on the lands held by them on leases. And, for it measure which would impose upon the proprietors the direct payment, by themselves. out . f tliefr rents, of an equitable tax on their leased lands, or or. the a-I aunt of yearly income actually de- rived, by them. fromtliose lsads, lie was as strong an advocate as ever he had hero He was of opinion. however. that it would be positively unjust to require them to pay a tax upon their incomes, as estimated from their rrnt rolls ; for to do so would be to tax them l'iir incomes which might be. to a great extent, merely imaginary: and, were the Legislature to impose upon them the payment of an equitable and moderate tax on the annnsl aiuounts of rent: actually received by them. he was inclined to think, that they themselves, c()I|VlllcPd of its equity and propriety, would raise no opposition to it. But were a tax to be imposed upon their rent rolls, one certain consequence of the imposition would be, that it would render the proprietors much more severe and exact in the enforcing oftlieir legal de- munds upon their tenants. Without the encumbrance of a clause or clauses to tax proprietors for their leaseil lands, as pro y the amendment of the hon. member for the 2d istrict of Queen's County, (Mr. Mooney.) it was not at all improbable. that obstacles might be thrown in the way of the Free Education Bill, should it be found simply in accor- dance with the principles set forth in the Report. lint, were that amendment to be ineorrorstetl with the Bill, the success of the measure would be rendered very doubtful indeed : and, surely, the advocate: of the amendment were not prepared to say, that they would wish the loss of a measure or‘ so much importaiice to the best interests of the community at large. for the sslie of wot a year. which was all they could expect to raise by the proposed tax. The Government wee well dispos- ed to carry out every just and reasonable measure for the public good; and they had already given ample earnest to the people of that disposition. hey all knew to what extreme: the present majority of the Assembly went, in the stoppage of the Iupplifl. to procure the concession of Responsible Government; but, although he believed they who now comprised the Govern- ment. and the majority, would again, if necessary, set with equal firmness and determination for the accomplishment of any measure of the same vital importance, they would net, he thought. allow themselves to be driven into the sdop. tion of so extreme a course, for the attainment of an object of comparatively very minor importance, such as subjarting the proprietors to an additional land-tax. t raise the sum or wot a year; and there was good iesson to be icve. that iron amend- ment was incorporated with the Bill, the measure would be defeated, or the Assembly would have to support it, by that extreme course. And for the attainment sfsuch an arct, he would say, that so far as he was indivlduall concernei , eithrr as a member of the Government, or of a majority in the House. he would neither recommend nor vote for such a course. When the Assembly triads that determined stand for the attain- ment of Responsible Government, they rustle it for the praeticsl recognition of a principle of Government. iridepe which. no Govrroiusiit eould be based on just feaadstioss. But, with respect to the imposition of such a tax. as thut cog. teaiplsted by the proposed amendment, just as the tax inirht , there was no principle involved, worth irntneiliste contention for. at the risu of losing the ire errant measure for general education. If the hon. member (Mr. Mooney) however. m‘ d essserit ta vrttlidnvr his amendment, and would spgsg lo , brieg ln a separate Bill In the itupositioti of such a lax, sstht