I-IASZARD’S GAZETTE. APRIL 2. Do yo remember the day of your oopouoalo, tho manly arm to which e oooliliegly clstsg. tho heart-thrilling vows so tuna y hot truthfully taken, the flutter- log hops cfhappy years to come.’ Ah! yes; 'and ye vomombortco ltcw the smile gradually faded fro n yosr bo¢ead's feast how tlto love-hosts was qIoocII- od is his eye. how harsh aad orool words come hiss- ing from lips that had sworn to love you. and harsh deeds was wrought by tho ltitudo that were destined for year oopport and protection; htwv the lteatl.-crosh- " ago cams o'er the spirit of" your early 3. its." till ho:hq'bod won your life-loog affec- ths vfioor b prontiso-giving rnttnhootl. be- estsooo brsial and hateful that there was none left spos the wide earth to love him. save your devoted selves,-—ssd ovoo yo. lnflyosr ony. whliod him dead This rocltloos 'l'ra c hiitlt blighted your lives, blasted your happiness, and doomed you to indescrib- ;—is it starts? And thus! poor lonely. desolrrto-hearted widow. who to weep. to relieve thine over-chiirgsd hoort. ooarly wore out with sorrow. over the gra vos of hohotsd sad sort. slain by lntouipotanco; standing staid the nice of thine household gods. surrounded by thy too-well-roriiernborcd anguish; tsll es, before thoo bottco—ls this ‘raise right I No! Mr. Chairman; it is wrong. all wrong,-‘tis " ovil. only evil. and that continually." Now. if this traflo in intoxicating liquors be wrong, sat-‘glucose and destructive. is it not right to stop its further progrus? 0 ht society to look on passively while t -toe wslerso death are dolttging i e lurid? Aoso ly not. No man contends l'o that. But there is great diversity of opinion respecting the tiiode of tcoiluro by which Society ahoul.I seek to protoc: lllnr from the evils ovtgstitdttfcd by this putituil. .\l Issolatioa declares that it is oxpadicnt to prohibit It by Law. Bat, sir. can society constitutionally resqrt In tho coercion of law in this momentous concern.’ I believe it can and oogltt-that it must and will. I wave all moroly religious considerations tltese ttitty be loll for another pl-tt.o, and for another time. I Illltll have reference, on the civil aspects of the question. to tho truths of Political Economy. and to the spirit of Constitutional law. Secular governitiorits tire for secular rposos. u toss include the tone- tiott of ll: and property. therylucation of tho ‘young. and tho preservation of tho ublic heolth, diefeitce against foreign aggression it d olivcrnnce frorii doriics. tic slavery. In shorl.I gritty observ- tlitit seculttr governments should guard tho initlictttibln rights in sun which in tho words ofe celebrated lristorir-.ol document. are " life. liberty and the pursuit of hoppi- soso." To gssrd those rigl-ts—to accomplish lllusu rprvsoo lit the ond of civil government fulfil uont of that end laws are ntmlo mid executed. ottfrrcol by v-tviotss pen'ilIies—ooin-it Liking life slum puking property, ottd sumo abridging tlte personul ty. Now sir, tho trrtflc in intoxicating drinks cortflicts with ovary and and purpose of civil governmeni—ii wastes tho public wealth; it oops the public health; it oondscos to public ignorance; it unfit»: for liberty oi hotvte. and woskvns the defence is uinst aggression from abroad. it incitos to number eon crimes, and destroys inoutrtsnrnle lives. It is tlomrfore the porcu- li.tr provinc-t of civil govevtttttcilt to nrrcst this inriiic to stay its fearful ritvatges frotii which no family in tile land to soft ; and with the proviso of my resolution, wltolly to " prohibit it by lavr," enforced by deserved sod wiooly adapted penalties. Besides. sir. tho Legislature interferes with tho rntle in general; with Arsenic. Prussic Acid and These restrictions are intended to guard the public agaisst thodostrnction oflife by poison. either through tsvilico. or by carelessness ; and to provide these don- esbstancos for the donttiods of medical i-ciertcc and mechanical arts, to both ofwliich. to akilful llittttls, they may beof see. Why should itttoricntiirg liquors ho withdrawn from the wise supervision which is oxorchod over tho trndo in kindred poisons? 'I'lliere B so fact in Chemical or Physiological ocieitco better ostablishod thsvi tho fact that the cliemicrilly combined bnlttu ea or ich gives to inebrint- ing drislts their powelrtof intosicntiug, is ts.ptIl-tin,‘ that tbecaiise her manly son to spare h no form. no co tltotr, no quantity. to nutritive, or in wise than hartful to s hrmlthful hurnnn hotly- it racy. indeed, its tnay arsenic. in okilful It s be soofal in controlling or varying the course of diiteatitn, bet in all ordinary cases ito otfects are poisonous on the human frurno. Moreover. it both proved to he the most destructive of all poisons. Nuiiiht-r till the poisons lit-side tlnit have been drawn from flower ond ftotv, lr-rlrooil root, from minerals and Iltll orgotiisins, l'rom e.irt'i or area, and Alcohol. in the ondlecs ctttttlogno of its tlctittlit, will transcend them all a hundred frild. If llteti I.-as destructive poi-one are to restricted in their stile its to be almost harittloso occnpsnts of the Chemist's -helf, why should Alcoholic preparations be uermillt-tI in goats about under the sanction of the law. " flinging abroad firs-brands. arrows and death!" llat. air, in point of foot. tho liiw does interfere. though iuolfeetuslly, with tho manufacture ttttd sole- with tho trafic in intoxicating liquors-the whole gem of licsncing the soleol' such liquors.:ind of prohibiting their sale without a licence. ond of refusing to grant a licence at all under certain oiruuttistiiocea. Is on oniboditnent of that principle of lr-gislittiou for which we covtten . or the systctn of licencing rests gpors tho boliofthttt if every person under airy cin:u:ii- stances, or ondor all olrctlttlstttnceo were permitted to engage in this trallic. the victims of ioteniperonce. sad the sccomponing evils of itttetnpcvoncc would be so fsarfolly numerous so to outrage all some of endur- sacs. Thus the licence a stem is a positive restriction sfthio trsflc, ond isitsol an sdrtiission thtil tho trittlic ' And there cotmot ho tho least i would accrue rant on untrttrnuteled liquor trullic are materially loosened by this legislative inlotfaroncc. flopposo tbovt. for arguments sake. that in any given osvnrnonit tho unrestricted tralllo would make four hundred tsnltands. bet that under the lic»-nee law system this number is dirniuisltod by one half. so that only two hundred drtiskords are made. does it follow that if it be right for tho legislature to interfere by low to save one half of fosr ltstidrod. it incst be sally rlgbt tooave tlis other half by the sittnc agency. ‘noon be made available for the purpose.’ We . no oatrs-constitutional interference from 5 .°. 15. seosctog of the nod" of intoxicating liquors-— rho principle that it is oty and prerogative of the are to a rsutrist s trnllio whic ' is. or b ddr i the l' ad I if th ~' --......'“ "«‘~°--.-'.'°~.==~ ocbsew tobsr‘ t ort cg‘ taro. of licence. to prevent this trslbc from doipg ofovil. it ssnont be w for tholegiso so cortltto itto lto nloluon o evil. by an ostsaslso tltoosrao cteess—lsgsl rostristlea.sono- fiodby flslsotpssaltias. Aodssw. Ilr. bay: fiondoo sa- 9' '1 shows that the Legislature oovtotitstioool power of pro- low k tvslo la lotoslcsting l.iqooro,for fin Idlolssl sod hloshaoical , whslw h is so st'Apsssbl , ssweo "op majority of its lYyr‘u’olvod filrt whether it oo.lt h lsospsdlest at this time. msmpttopst ltlortb. I.foreoo.llr,donotist- ” 3... to thy y for so _vtsg-for we gggmtnpsst moatovotosgsiasttltolr.oort_- osovtstlsost oer.srssld soohs vsts.I|'st- to ooooo of'I‘otn- Ir. 0bobno,ls order that the srusaosres rs-='r'sl:q=' fr’: .. gfi 3-llnatpnsat sod osttsoty. 9"“ and strong drinks have 5. littlo good; but, at the sen Ims. tho strongest and brotherly sympathy and oncoarsgomoht have been plontifully made use of by the Friends of the 'l‘stttporatico cause; and by the blessing ofllcavolt. ntitny lliousttnds have in various parts of the world. ‘ t’0ll| "- ‘“ ' , ‘ " "Interoper- aitcc: but still more thousands have hopdouly perish- ed by this tralllc. unroschsd bly ttrgtltllonlr IIIMVOII by ontrooty; and in our own and tncn are still por- nwllllll yoiirly, nny, rtltno-it monthly. through IllIl|lIClI- rion—onr cuts nirny of those who are enslaved by this fearful evil be rescued from rr like fols, save by tho totnoviil of temptulion from their Ilt. tis expedient. in order that the youth of tho- r-.o|oot- be reserved altogether from thi- tlroa-lful tbraltlotn of the raging passion for stroou drinks.—l'or thoug the evils of lntempersnce have been portrayed in the dnrlteot colours. and tho wortiing voice of em rsnco cfliirls hath swept trnmpltst-ton-__-ued through the land; though myriads have taken vvarning—_vot year by year. has the place oftli» reclaimed drunksrd been filled up by a new recruit from the ranks ofthe young. “The Heavens may cry to the earth. and the earth cry to the vine. and the vine cry to the "corn of “the vsllqv of Jt-zrecl"—-druiikord melting will not cease while tlte liquor trsflic shall continue. But, Sir. we are told that such a Law as we ask the enactment of, would be an intolerable and reactions intefercnco with the social habits of tho cotnniunity—lhst it woul be deserving of the etecrstion which we extend towards the tyran- onot legislation which in other days over-rode, titttl ittiw. it. other lands. trsmples in the mire of infuriated bigotry the lllttll. sacred rights of htiman consciertce—or that this law wotild be classed with those contempiihle stattiies, so provocative of irre- pressible laughter. wltich in puritan England and alue-lawed (.'otinec:tictit prescribed the color of your coat. dictated the length of your hair and the not of your heard. atid lorbade yoti to kiss your wife on the s:\hb:ttli day. Never were objections of less force pressed against city just and benevo- letit tneasnre. This is tioquestinn of what crcetl you shall profess or at what shrine you shall how, of what shall be the length of your capillary attractions, or the form of your hirsute adornmcnts —\VllPllIl'f voti sliull patronize or practice " flflbtll I’:-itlrno-ly." or shall t'llt‘l'l3ll your sensibilities by lilting ttll ancient Ballad of " Giillatit knight tttid ltttlv frr_vre." No, Sir, the question is, shall a iraflit: which uuncrves the energy, wastes the l’8SIl'.Il'f'.e!. :tr:l do-troys the lives of the people-— rtvaffic wlticlr leads to crime. to povertt , and to tittnltr-rnlrle inisr-r\'—it Iralllc which is opposed to an the just rods of set-iilar guveritu eirt, conferring on bettelit an-l iiifllcttcg imiiteasttrable and innu- merable injnrirs—elia|l tbls trallic be permitted to continue. ifthe law. sustained by the intelligent sympathy of the people. has power to prevent. Ab‘ ut. we are assured that should an Anti- Liquor Law be enacted and citrrid out, it would be inevitably succeeded by such it reaction of the public suntiinent and practice. as occurred when the imbecile Stuarts succeeded to the re- pressive swiiy of the saigucious and brave heart- ed Oliver. Sir. there is no analogy between the cases—the Puritan sou ht by at-bitary enact- ments which trttvelled eyond the province of secular Authority, to repress man of the natu- I".II itnd harmless instincts of the umitn heart, but drunkenness is not natural to man—the love of Strong Drink is not is nittural instinct- it is ll.lll)gcl.l1l.'l‘lI.I‘l.IIIlcIlll;lI.lltI the truflic by which iilono it can be fostered, endangers, either di- rectly or indirectly, the peace of the whole com- munity. But from what quarter is this dread- ed reaiction to come? Will it come from the grateful wife whose husband has been given luck to her respect and love, after dreary years of dospiiiring wretchednessl Will it come from the widow whose heart doth “sin for joy ' from the pangs of intempcrnnce‘. Will it come from the grey huircd sire whose sober, filiul pro ny are gliiddening the days of his “ sere an ellow lcnf” with acts of reverential love? ill it tcoinc front the liberated victims that shall be ‘delivered from lll0"HI‘€S of this Tophct? Will the patriot who cxults in his country's ros- pcrity sigh for the return of the rel rn of um itlld i-obb.-ry—.)l'vt'uc iiiid poverty? I‘ will this terrible recoil come lmc u on us from those who may be compelled to is ltlndon the Liquor Tritdcl Sir. I tliink otter of our common hu- manity than to yield to any such fenr. Irupettt that it is expedient to prohibit by Ltiw tlic Tnillic in Intoxicnting Liquors for it may be done. There may be dilliculty in ob- taining suchu Law, you must expect op sition. l‘herc is no need of sensitiveness on this point. Ifvour facts are not trite, let them be disproved —if your arguments tire not sound, let them be refutcd—-if your irqppenls tire not well founded. let them be rt-jecto . Give us discussion, manly honorable discussion, free as the winds, but divested of personal virulency and pure from the tinge of political strife. I‘ this cause can- nol: maintain its fooling when “the storm winds do blow " let it fall—if it cannot float "upon the water floods” of agitation, let it perish beneath the wave. But, sir. you ask for nothing save a clear stage, fair ple , and no fu- vor. God defend the ri ht! is still the battle cry of the Truth. {in the truth will reach ingcnuous ininds—will ultimately triumph over every opposing influence. ' ere will also difliculties thrown in the way of executing this soughbfor Law, when it shall be enacted—but the same ins be said of every Iatvr on the sta- tute Book— or Society is not omnipotent, never- theless . if Society shall do its duty. armed with the Anti-Liquor Low, it will extinguish the flames of the Bitcchsnnliiin Gebcnns. It is ex dicnt for it has been done—-o kin- dred peop e in ii neighbouring land have demon- slrittcd this Witness Maine.and Massachusetts, and Vermont and Rhoda Island and Michigan --another year will add to their number from Slater States. Yes bii-, and it must be done. Patriotism do- iiistids it! Humanity pleads for it! our Future requires it! The day is not for distant when the sroused and earnest People of this Island, with almost universal scclsinatioii will declsre their will which is Low through the mouth of their Government. oil will determine that curse-s ' Trade shall cease! Mr. B. Daviss.—l came not here. Mr. Chair- man, with the intention of olerittg any observa- tions on this occssiotr. I came for the pur obtaining information, of hearing what could b. said in favor of rectal , dad of its principles : I came for the pttrpose ttfhourittg of the good it has done. and of what it is likely to do ;—not to offer any obstructions to its rational progress, but rather with a view of advancing tsmporsto opin- ions and tho toinpersncs cause. I acknowledge I learn with pleasure how much good not only the sdvocatos of tsrnpsrsttoo hove does, but also those of otsl abstinence, especially is this wootors vr d. of which we forst s port It h sotl ly ll. thot exsltio " ws£:ss'h evil, and he's sdvosstes of total a lessee sad it! the resolution now before the tlteotlog. prohtbltury of its reass- fscturo and lrnportatlon,-of its use is stty.vrsy, except as tttediclns.-—sdtItit that, at certain tlttioo, it it useful. Well. Mr. Chairman. it is olfltlst so with ‘II the accessories and comforts of life: no dalgo is any to assess. sad they bsstimo host I. Osolit eo.tbos,for fssrttevil. dsttrsgbstb evil and the good! I thisk not. Is so doiag.wo condoms ourselves: for non. [lie nolllul work of croation,—lc thought. is act. Ill word.- propooderstes towards doing ill: and even among the boot and vrlsoat of mankind. could we wotgh their evil actions in the balance against the good, I fear the latter would be found wanting. But. Mr. Chairman, what I wished particularly to speak to, is. not only to the Resolution before the rnoetiog. but also to the observations which bart- fallen from tlto propooors and socootlers of the rltfll-reiit resolutions. all of which. either is a greater or less degree. tend to cast odium on the popular Branch, oi‘ the Legislature. of which ltsvo the honor to he a member. for not carrying into law a lleoolittion. of which this one it w bo- fnre us is a counterpart. So short a period of time has elapsed sinu this insttorcamo before the House of Assembly. that I conceive the public generally. or oven the majority of this meeting. cannot possibly be aware of the reasons by which the House were actuated in declining to sanction coercive measures towards the actions of tom rato men. lsay, Mr. Chairman. I eonsidert is meeting prematurely rsllod together to pronounce cundoinnstory opinions on tho sotion in the House of Assembly. before the press had published, and the people become aware of the objections of that body to establish what is called the Maine Anni- hilation Liquor Lsw. I, therefore. think it unfalr. not only towards the Assembly, but also to the minds of the men who coin this large and rcspcctsbly attended meeting, to call on them to denounce the measures of the representatives of the people, without laying before them the ob- jcctiuns the House ofercd and acted under, when a resolution of the nature of the present one was laid before them. It was to state these objections, and to lay before this meeting those reasons. thro' which the House considered they acted wisely. that l rose, Mr. Chairman, to trespass on your time. I feel myselfcallcd on, not only as a per- son in the majority of the Assembly, but also as on individual of this meeting. to explain and lay before you some of the reasons and objections to carry tog this resolution into Law. Sir. this mat- ter, when brftirc the Assembly, was not treated irrevercittly. or liglilly, so has been insinustcd; but. on the contrary, with the most serious consi- deration. lt was, independently of the objections to the basis of its principIeo.dcetnod impracticable. from want of means. to carry out such a law as the resolution called for. Sir. in my opinion the leaders of those advocating this measure only half did the duty they were entrusted with,-—l apply it to those pressing this resolution on the Assem- bly sttd on the Government, as well as on this meeting and the public,--inaornucli as they neg- Iected to point out a way through which a revenue might be derived to carry their desicletstum into effect. Wouldjt be wise in adeliberstive body to enact laws. without first consirloritig the means through which they were to be csrrtr-cl out. up- held, and sup cried! Allowing the Legislature had passed a ill of the nature reqniretl. with- out having taken stops towards preventing smug- gling, or having provided for the appointing of persons to put down the contraband trade which would. as a matter of course .-tries, and which the many would rather enconnmo than dt-press. — what then \\'(lulll have been said! Would it not be it burlesque on the prohibition imd on themselves? I think, Sir, when this mcetin consider these reasons, with those which am sbout to sdduoo, they must decide the House acted with prudence and foresight in rejecting the ineasure.snd that they acted wise- ly in considering the loss the revenue would sustain tliorcby, and in estimating the probabi- lity of the annual expense in keeping up on ax- to tiensive coast guard. If tli I revenue alone was the only consideration to arise so ob- 'cctionsble towards our ing out the Bill. I be- ieve the House would dove bee repaired to sttcri £6000 annually if it cool have been clearly proven this fscinsting thin was so very destructive. Sir, the House consi ered, before countcniincing so srbitrarya measure, as the Mititie Liquor Law. which shuts up at once, all the breweries and distillories, and all the mouths and titslcs in the country, without ol'er- ing filly recompence to those who have embarked their knowledge and capital thoroin—the were acting indiscriminately for till olttsses in the community. If any port thorcofwere called on to give up a calling. or make it sscrifioc for the pa lic good: they were, I conceive, entitled to be remunerated for the losses which they might sustain by so doing. And, Mr. it-tnsn, the House thought, supposing ever other obstacle were removed, that there woul remain the in- surmountsblc difliculty of the Counts-y’s having to so art: a numerous coast guard for electing th0‘pl'L‘V0n£l.0lI which the Bill or rather the reso- lution r utred. Take u . Mr. Chairman, the Chart of t 49 Island, truce its tics-boot-d,and you will be surprised to find that the course of its crooked indented coasts is equal in extent, I think I may venture to say, to the Sea-shores of the total-abstinence States of our re ubliosn neighbours. Do you suppose that £1 annu- ally would defray tho expense of the preventive service for su pressing smu ling in this evil spirit! The onset thought at cfiectnslly to suppress this evil, that sum would be required and they knew of no source from which to de- rive so oonsidcrsble an amount, to thcr with provision for the loss which woul fall on the revenue, and com nsatlon to Brewers and Dis- tillers. for the actual outlay in their manufac- tures. Thcse. Sir, are the reasons, why it was deemed impracticable to urge this measure by the House upon the notice of the Government, allowing that other obstacles to the o ration of its principles were overcome :—-end. r those so roaso no, I acquiesced in the propriety of doferrin tie attempt to five legal elect to those pr oc.pleo; sad, I t ink, this meeting would act vvlsel in also scqulcsotng in the pro- priety of that etsriniiistion. COLONIAL LEGISLATURE. H008! 0!’ AIIIIILY, Tossoav, March 8!. Ir. .Iscsclsy's Iroglslstlve Oatm- Mr. Msoatlsav. I would have been inors gro- tidod had the important duty of scstainltzg this measure fallen into more competent bands: but having seen no inclination on the art of an other member to tours in the matter, vents on it myself, however inadequate to the acconipllshrnent of carrying out my intentions, my humus slitting. may prove. [crave the indulgence of the House is proeuislng to ask for their tttibissoorl nrl -. ._,,. ost consideration of the subject I wv-nlr‘ r.riri- trotluco this or any other matter to the r-om dera- ttoo of the legislature because a messing under the some same was letrodoood elsewhere. I score slavish ltsltotloos of say otan‘s split witboot wolghlog the prtoty of oosb opln oos well before I ad theta so my own. an I t so sloo beossso tbotoplriloo ls entertain- od another; that ohicb slooe estt rossmtvtood ltsel toisy approval. is that wl-tclt ls bytlio rostostsrnoset orvesson; sodtv at my D II to opprevosod moths are or eerooseos did yo. .i‘.}.“''',._.; .'-"l‘L: 73- isssesst'st esptst the shots lslsosss _civil. and military. and ecclesiastical powers, ms- this House is fairly and impartially weighing the matter before they pass judgment upon it. I ‘ troduced this measure. not because I am of a rest- loos disposltioti which always for gratification fesoto itself on porpotusl chsttgo.—I introduce it solely from the conviction that the present sys- tern of legislation will never work independently or beneficially or satisfactorily in this Colony. Honorable gentlemen who are stubbornly wedded tothc_nsmo of the British consi-lotion ttoed not take alarm from soy inouv..iion on that «institution _ omttemr lsletl hy the Bill lit-fore win. The change wliich lltts llil cu ~tt-mplatt-s is designed to assimi- lsttv tho r-onstit--lion of this (.'olotty more to that of England than it is at present. which I hope to make manifest to you. The root from which the Legislatures of the British Colonies sprung is the Constitution of Britain. a that constitution we God a threefold form of government conjoined, each one forming an equally iinportstit and power- lul and independent third part 0 the whole, so that if any one branch of the three attempt to trench or on the power, privilege. or prerogative of either of the other two, there will be a union of two against one, at once to suppress the encroach- ment of the sgrsosor on the constitutional rights of either of the otlters, so that in the union of the 3, there is as equilibrium to check and balance the . . . .-..__ . . . favourably for the permanency of the constitution, as it exists, for centuries to come. No nile mttn or legislature is entitled to unrestricted credit for the cxcclloncy which is possessed bv the British Con- stitution. lt is the growth of ages of conflicts, of lured by the experience and wisdom ofyonr fore- fathors, into its present form and consistency. The lower House of the British Parliament consists of the representatives of the great mass of the people. elected by the people themselves, and are. therefore, the republican or democratic branch of the Legislature in the constitution of our Imperial Parliament. That branch ofthc Imperial Legisla- ture has, and exercises similar powers, privileges, and authority with our House of Assembly. while their deliberations and octssre alwsvs submitted to. and control] by the second Branch of the Imperial Legislature-—o bi-sncb which is in no manner dependent on the lower brunch, either in their appointment to their seats in the House of Lords or their deliberations therein. The second branch of the Imperial Parliament, cul- led the House of Lords, is com soil of the Aristocroo of the Empire; in w ich House, thou h sl the aristocracy do not hold seats, ct c aristocracy are represented by their ears. and have it vote on all the acts of the ower House, an act es s salutary check on those convulsive inroads on the tran- quillity of the stole that may arise from every turbulent popular commotion that ins excite and agitate the deliberations of the ouse of Commons, and urge their deliberations to extra- vsgsnt resolutions or conclusions. It is, there- fore, manifest that while the Commons of En land must sanction or make all the laws that on to govern the Eu lisb ple, the safety and permanency of the nstitution is main y de- ndent on the House of Lords. he House of rds in its constitution is patriarchal, not coin- posed of it set of arrogant, pt-oud,consequcutiiil, t rsnnicol, i orant, op resolve men. The I ouse ofLo sis compo of the most. enlight- ened legislators in the whole world for their numbers. It is not composed of all the nobility of the United Kingdom. The Irish members of the House of Lords are elected for life. from anion their own Peers, in that part of tho United Kinffom : and the re resontstive Peers of Scot- lsn are also el by their own Peers. so that we see there is here a re reoentstive selec- tion of Peers for the House o Lords, on repub- lican princi les; over which elections, neither the monarch nor his administration, s on control, either in their elections or deliberations. As members of the House of Lords, they tire not the packed tools o the overrtmeril. placed in that House for It!‘ purposes, but settled there on ll constitutional right at certain class of the British people as a check alike on the oppression of the king and his administration. and also on the Home of Commons. This is the true state of the case which separates the corrupting practice of packing one Brandi at tile Lc_gi'slclure with the tools of the rrtcjoru o the ollier, for no better purpose than s.-rving the ends of corruption. I‘tte third Branch of the Legisluture is the inun- srcby. The sound of this word is so lismilirtr to our car that we do not often, if at all, bestow c thoiaght on its meaning. It is composed of two wor s, vis., mama and crdir wbio bcin com- pounded is monarchy. The meshing of w ich is the only boginnin , which may, with a. little freedom be termed espotistn. ut the mon- archy of Brition is limited in its war, tbottg it is the or it in the name, an by the autho- rity of whic , the expressed and conjoined will of the Lords and Commons to effect. Its in- fluenoc and power in lo islstion is checked and controlled, mainly by t c House of Lords, for the reason that the rcpt-est-ntstives of the ma- jority of the Commons are the chief advisers of the crown. So that the only true and legitimate check on the Commons. and the Crown. is the the House of Lords. Therefore, the stability of the Crown. the prqgrogratives of the Crown, and the security 0 c rights of the totals o the British people roots in the independence of the House of Lords. and the House of Lords is pre- vented from the usur tion of unconstitutional power by the lower ranch of the Legislature, which acts as a check, both on the King and the Lords, making as s whole s bolstico power that forms s constitution unrivalled in the world for excellence. This being the case, it behaves me as the re native of s free people. to lend my aid in sssimilsting, so far so circumstances will permit, thooonstitutioti of this colony to that of our common parent land. and though I antici to some op 'tion in carrying the pre- sent ll thro h t client I expect so much port for my in so to c and keep our- acres and our poo is free and independent. It rsqplros no lo ed Illustration to show that practice hero is quite dlhront. in every respect. from that of Britain. making the present system oftbs aisnufic g o s- stlvo Councillors o perfect anomaly, which tends to tasks the insjori of the pretest Coun- cilsubosrvlontto the w ofthc ‘nastie- . or dooort beyond the severe oftbo Governor and his cool], so t have lottcso power bore beyond the life- less formality in costs ofBrltlsli Legislation. The Bill bolbre you. sir, is intended to retrieve. so hr so clrctuitshncos wi allow the anomaly la our ooostltatlott just referred to, it making ‘ml? tlvs Council Ilcctivo, wlii ohoop. , on ma *° P~".:°.z....°“» “to re store hos frost talu- '0 and roooatta that, sooner or later, it will be adopted it an British dependencies having Legislative ies. This is I out aware the stage at which the prin. ciples of Bills are ususlly discussed, therefore, I shall further intrude my views on your notice, by briclly calling your attention to the disad- vantages to which the present system subjects your constituents, and that it is likely to in. valve the cotstttr in anarchy in time to come. The portissns o the Government are the only poi-sous likely to be it pointed to vacant rests in the Council, tinder tge sent s stem, so that the members of Council are in t is capttcity as such only the representatives of the mttjority in the House of Assembly. The Council so cots. blished. therefore, servos not as a check on the House of Asscinbl , nor at on the Government, so that it is only the ssrcsos of that which should be seed of life and independence, to check every exti-svspsioc and abuse, whether practised by the Government or the Asscinbl , and serve as s seluhry check on the whole fdr the good of the whole, and make each of the parts in its own sphere independent of the sway or influence of the othcrs,or of any one of them. But air, it is not likely. that the party now in the majority in this House. will a ways be in s majorit in the House of Assembly; novv,when they wi I be the minority as they are likely to be ; otter packing the Council with their rti- sons for present gratification, what must _e the consequence? the consequence will and must be, that all the measures of the Lower House will be defeated in the Council, and the country will be in ii. fix, the voice of the people will not be heard, and their will shell become dcfcotcd. If any member of this House wishes the Coun- oil to continue its now constituted. he will tlierefoi-c have ademonstrstion of his folly in the specified resultwhich is inevitable. Besides, air, when you consider, that only s few of the districts in the country are represented in the Council, or even known to some of the members of the Council, you cannot expect that the deli- bcrntions of that body,cnn equally cflect the in- habitants of every part of the Colony—you can- not for these reasons in justice to t e people of Prince Edward Island, sanction the present system of constituting the Council. This Bill is intended to tiller the present system, and tlicre- by give every district in this Colony on equal in- dependent representation in the Up r House,to that which it hits here. Besides, the right of electing the Le islstive Council, which this Bill provides. it is intended also to have every dis- trict in tho Isiand represented there its well as here, and as men cannot be ex ctcd to devote their attention and talents, an time, to the bu- sinoss of the country gratuitously, the Bill ro- video for the payment of their expenses. ‘lie clause providing for qualifications is left un- filled—tliot is, left to the exercise of ourjudg- merit tofill u , and when you do I t.hcni,I trust you wil endeavour to dcfcfi the ambition at-ro tit, self—conccited, i ox-ant, noisy. empt -headed demagpgues in Ii ing laces that sliou d be occupied y the most into ligent, the most moderate, the most u right, and the most independent men in this Co ony. This Bill con- templates also it periodical change to occur at the termination of every three ycars,in the mcinbers of Council to represent some stated districts, and a second change three years thot-es.fter,o.ud so on triennial] . inperpetuity for the pur- pose that every c an that may take place, in the condition of the country and the sentiments of its inhabitants may have its advocates in the Council, while it out ility and an adaptation for business and legislative habits will be given to the whole body in a consecutive change, that also provides for o working msjorit. of old members. Provision is made in the Bi spinal: the rashness which is the consequence of inex- rionco and youth, b providing that no mom- icr of the Legislative ‘otincil, shall be less than 30 years of rage; but, I am swore, this simple barrier is no certain guarantee against the introduction of ambitious and antiquated ignurttnco into it y that should be com- sed of the most enlightened inhabitants of the Land. the judgment of the people in their choice is the only guarantee against that evil. I ttiti aware that I hitvet-.r-ttn-. far slinrt t-I illustrat- log all the disadvantages that tltd result. and do result, It’ tl may yet rt-soli. trotn the present attorne- lous spprttnttiteitt ol the l.t-gislirlivs Coutn-il; but, in try opinion, onouuli ltas been advanced to show that the supporters of the system now in use here are alike the supporters of the British system of legislation, the opponents of the abolition of despotism. and the opponents ofthc extension of freedom. and true balancing of power in the legis- lature and the government of the country, which balancing of power is indisponsably necessary to to crush corruption and to make the intelligent community contented. independent, and prosper. one. Who is the man that would resist freedom as a permanent guarantee of good order among enlightened men! that man, and such men alone will oppose the principles of this Bill. I maintain that every such man is an enemy to his country, and to those who inhabit it. It is true this Bill was introduced by the representative of a small constituency. but is that sroason why it should bot-e'ectedl Such a meagre objection oflittls sense and ass principle was brought against another int- portsnt mesours here this session; but the proof of self-condemnation, for his opposition, was pub. lished i the reason which he gave for his oppo- sition. Anotber opponent to that measure pro. sounrod it in his opinion so “cfovblrd or no. rtidt'on;" yet, that gentleman himself subsequent- Iy advocated the very principles which he then urged to condemn. It is humiliating to rsfloot on such absence of reason and want of consistency in discussing measures that require the gravest con. sideration, the most iinpsrttsl isvooti stios and the treatment of modest forbearance roin those who insda such silly ob’ tions to a measure they did not understand or vv ich the would oot allow themselves to comprehend before they paoasd their judgment on it. or which they oorrnptodly condemned in violation of their better nuns and jtidgtnont. Let this Bill, Sir. stand or fall on its own merits, irrespective cftlie constituents of him who introduced it, antl'aloo irroopootivs of its being "s feeble at obstruction." or at rwiso. It has a claim as tho sagost consideration of the re resoentstivos of the people of Prince Edward Is and, because it will materially elect their con. stituents either is its success to its dofsstt there- foro, I beg ovory sstl_emsii of this House will view it In all ita_ _rinps before he brings his voice to bear on it judicio Ir. '2 Aunacr of the Poonstoss of Mr. Ilacatrt.av's Btu. to make the Iacisurrvs Coinrcii. of P. I. nml" °l:°il.a'°' vid The e rot nos es, t slbsr the Act vodptltoo Royal Assoc: no int- tnont sbsllbs icado to the Iogtsls vs , In tbl Island by tho otttliorltyoftho Crown. at. That Immediately after hovln received oldsl notice on street. setsnsnt Governor shall colors the Act to be in force; ohpolatmoato of all rooms Iroglalatlvo ll. stats shall become olllld b.o‘lmtoodlstsly issued fill’ t:-.....~"" ‘:3 "oil. piiili: ::.~t:**..'.:,°-.:z...u;.i-;.':*.:'m rants" tslit's'i'§a"§"suse" 'r:s"i'ri