- Ct

358

ment ” commodities, to the greatest possible ti".

advantage to the Hation, with the inﬂiction of the least possible degree of individual injury, would constitute a momentous business for the transaction of 9. Popular Legislature. The question of that disposition we shall not here attempt to discuss ; but we may well ask With Mr. Faithful, “ What does the noble Lord [Ale thorp] mean to do? Will he sponge out the National Debt? Will he put down the army ? Will he put an end to sinccuresi" Arid say, with the same gentleman, “The Noble Lord will do noneofthese things, and as long- as they are left, it is useless to quarrel with the Minis ter for not reducing taxation. of what conse- quenceisi t whether the Nation pay 47, or 49 millions in taxes? If the noble Lord would ap- propriate the public property to public purpo- ses, then the national creditor might be paid, the people relieved, and the whole nation ren- dered prosperous.” The honorable Member's concluding remark, that, at all events. “ it would be beyond the ingenuity of man to con- tinue the present system much longer,” is now one of the stalest of Parliamentary truism The answer—we beg his pardon; the n answer of Lord Althorp to the speech Member for Brighton, must be held to licate specimen of Whig Statesman I House, he was sure, would not expect him to answerit: he wouldonly observ that thehon. Member was a Dissentcr, andbﬁsust say that he [Lord Althorp] was a Mem f the Church ofEngland.” Let the “E ablishment”make merry, and the victi ithes and the sailor. on under bad d worse preachers de- spair! Whats gh the great majority ofthe country be op d and determined to put an end to its enormities, the “ Establishment” is unassailable ; ﬁthcs, bishoprics and pluralities,

are secured to t for ever; incn oilitlle Latin, less Greek an east English, may still aspire to rural and metropniitan pulpits: not even a second Harry the Eighth, with the whole nation at his bac could hope to be permitth to lay an appr iating' hand upon a single acre, or even, rleycorn of the “ Establishment” ’s

perty. were it actually needed b save the

untry from final perditionuLord Altliorp is a member ofthe Church ofEngland !

Be his Lordship a Churchman, or a Saint Si- monian, it‘he mean to continue long in ofﬁce, he may lay his acconnt to being m..de the a- gent ofmuch Church-Reform work that shall vie in extent even with the suggestions of Mr_ Faithful. However. let that degree of “ Es- tablishment” Reform which his Lordship con . templates be never so limited, his turmoil with the Hierarchy will be as great as if he had at once attempted all that the Member for Brigh- ton has introduced to his attention. But altho' great at this may be the distress ofhis Lord- ship, who is “ a member of the Church of Eng- land," the .People of England will tbereat be exceeding glad .—“It is acertain symptom of happy times,” says an e rienccd observer of such matters, “ when th riests run mad and cabal: while the people are suffered to enjoy their own, the clergy can have no plunder; whereas, in a general oppression, the prince and the priests generally divide stakes— wovles and ravens never fare best but where there are most carcases.’

From the Examine k-

VEMTIOUS»9%ICATIOJV OF THE GO- E 0.1V .ACT. "

he ﬁrst exercise .9f the powers ofﬁhe coercion bill has been an abuse of but our virtuous parliament is satis-

- refuses“ information of the mo-

;put so conﬁdently to the house in the pre-

THE BRITISH AMERICAN.

house stated that it was manifestly neces-I‘: sary to proclaim the city of Ki - asked, when they proclaime i were they to leave out of the the act the city, which w portant part of it ? The I . this absurdity is—that p ces were no : I

rite to Ireland, ex- he city of Kilkennv ible, be included in the

he came into ofﬁce t

, was not so clear that when the coun was proclaimed the city must be in ed. Sir John himself was so far

' ,ertuin of this conclusion, (which he

ceding sentence,) that he had written ex- pressing his wish for the exemption of the city, and the. opinion he entertuined when he expressed that wish may yet very rea- sonably continue to he theopinion of other people not so easily satisﬁed with a f00lish answer as the Secretary for Ireland would make himself appear to be. The beggarly pretence—a pretence betraying an utter destitution of reasonable, or even tolerahly specious ground, is, that to leave the city unproclaimed would allow it to be a refuge to those who were guilty of outrage. By the same rule the neighboring counties might be proclaimed. and the counties 3- gain neighboring to them, till the whole is- land was brought under the government of the sword for any one peccant spot; indeed Mr. Spring Rice asked, “ What W the theyonsequepce if the mere pass a” line were to give security to the oﬂ'en; v 500 and what are the divisions of counties but such lines ? Had an apprehension of this preposterous application of the law been stated when the bill was in progress, min- isters would have sworn that they were in- capable of such a vexatious exercise ofthe power- Ministers, when begging the bill on the score ofthe conﬁdence to be placed in them, promised, as Mr. O’Connell re- minded them, to produce evidence and give the reasons for each proclamation; and have they, asks he, kept their word ? Re- mind the (licer of his oath ! Their word ! What are their words but counters for their game. They have no anxiety but to keep their plans, and to that end they employ their words. This proclamation of the peaceable city of Kilkenny illustrates the‘ necessity which was pleaded, or rather pre- tended, for the atrocious act. The degree of common for the law may be inferred from the frivolous and vexatious applica- tion of it.

Number of Speeches.-— It appears that up to the 14th of March—

for this proceeding.—-Sir John Hebe: . ‘~ i 3

:I,‘_,-~ I

'iStanlo y The Speaker

FOREIGN IJV'Y 'EL LI GEN CE.

be IprocIlaiined for their importance II key and EgIIIPII The SIIIIan has sent their guilt. Presently af . 5“" we to lbrahnn to 53,. am he will acce I

“Knowing that Killcnny would be mad the terms of peace oﬂercd by Mehemeh R I: the subject ofdiscuSsi , he had on the day 8”“ 30"“61‘8 are quartered in Constantinop m

and the ﬂeet-is still in the Bosphoris. T prophecy then is fulfilled— the Russians are constantiivoplc, and the Egyptian is on the s The boldness of these mudworms of old Ni puzzles the diplomacy of Europe.

The Czar has published a manifesto, whi seems to be considered as indicative of a intent on the part of Russia to maintain t footing she has at last succeeded in estahli ing in the Ottoman capital. Although it niig,r in reality, be “ imprudent to place too bli a conﬁdence in the promises made by Mche ct Ali,” it is much feared that the Sultan’s fairs may nol, in the end, he very material mended by the steps taken by the Russian :1 tucrat to save his new protcgy from the etlec

slionld send orders to his deiegatcs to eVaCua the Turkish territory after lbraliimhasefl‘e e.l his retreat into Syria, it is very natural asked whether Nicholas would not set up new claim on Turkey for the expenses oft protecting expedition, which it would be qui out of the Sultan's power to satisfy. The co sequence ofsucli a proceeding on the part Ithe Russian autocrat is ajready conﬁdent 'hnticipated. The claim would be added to tl. ot'tlie last instalineht for the indemnities oft late Russian war, which the Sultan has nev been able to pay, and the principalities Moldavia and Wallacbia, which were had a security by Russia for that instalment, wi be adjudng to the crown of the autocrat . an indemnity for the whole amount of h .claims. It is observable that attempts on t pOwer ofa neighbor are most frequently i troduced by a manifesto which declares t stepjo be perfectly disinterested. 'l‘he ver necessity of a manifesto proves the step to a suspicious.

.Hllas. We have important but most contr (lit-tory, intelligence from what we must call the s of war Ill the East.

The only sources ofintelligence are the Petersb Gazette quoted in German journals. and the dispatc es OfAthuiral Rnussin. with the comments, miiiisieri and editorial, of the French papers. sures us, that the only parties to the pending negoti lions, the only pom-rs whom war" will impliCate. ‘ concession willsaiisty, are Russia, 'l‘urlie . and gypt. They appear to act as if England and Fran were branches 0an importance in the European faiui 1y. The latter speaks as if France alone were tl snring and source of action; as ifpeace or war d pended on her nod. We are convinced, howeve that neither party speak the truth. The matter i question is too interesting to Russia, and the aggra dizl-iiient of the empe I; too threatening to France t allow us for one mo 't to regard either as an uuli aSsed witness in the affair. It is quite probable lll England. the old ally of Turkey whose minislry a pears to take active part in the affair, is really It counsellor to whom Mahmoud looks for advice, the friend to whom. in actual dithculty. he will app for aid. The Russian papers absolutely deny that t ﬂeet or army of Russia Cite any step in concert WI other powers. They move (in the aesponsihility oft Emperor alone. and. as they tell us, at the urge“! 5

licitation of the Ports.