THE

EXAMINER.

30 SS ES 8 — i a : | — _ as Yo tus Epiror or tae Examiner. | officer of whom Gen. —— oy the kaa anes "= | ean Seed the oem unig a ie al on! oe alifieati ich could adorn a soldier. “ ° Correspon ence. Sin,—In the last Protector 1 noticed some reverend | for every qualification whic This is satisfactory in many ways. Every reader of

THE PROTECTOR ON THE UNION OF BRITISH! AMERICA. |

To ras Eprror or tux Examiner.

Str,—While glancing over an Editorial headed, “ Union | of British America,” in the Protector of the 12th inst., my) attention was particularly arrested by the following unwar- ranteble remarks.

“We regret that the proceedings of last winter, (in the | House of Assembly, we surmise,) should have made the! neighbouring Provinces entertain an unfayourable opinion of | our School System.”

How have you ascertained, Rev. I’rotectors, that those Provinces have entertained such aa opinion? No doubt men of your kidney among them have; but are you sure that such constitute a majority of the inhabitants of those Provinces. As proof to the contrary, vide their several School Acts, which, like ours, expreasly state that no child ehal! be asked to read in any religious book which its parent dees wot approve. But you, would-be-Protectors of the Education of «il Protestant children, would, by Legislative Enactment, enforce the reading of a certain religious Book in wany sebools attended by children of parents who do not approve of the reading of said Book. Suppose the political scales inverted, and the opposite party, being the majority, apply for au Act to force a religious book of which you don’t approve, into schools attended by your children, would you think it just that their application should be complied with ?| I trow not. Ye, reverend preceptors of the Golden Rule, learn alse to practise it. You say, “ The Government that would for a moment consult the pleasure of the Romish Hierarchy rather than the interests of the country, and the vast majority of its intelligent and loyal citizens, occasioned all the disturbance and incurred all the odium.” With what show of trath or justice can the Government be suid to have occasioned disturbance by a measure which they have never introduced ? or by what new mode of equivocation can you, the actual jatroducers of that measure, exculpate yourselves from the charge of having disturbed the general peace of our generally peaceable community ? “ Incurred the odium”! Of whom? Of your coercive party ? But time will reveal whether they have not won the approbation of a more numer- ous and intelligent party.

In the event of the contemplated union you say, “ Nor would we fear the consequences to religion. Let truth and error grapple,—give the former fair play, and dread not the result.” Had you substituted doth for “ former’ in the a- bove quotation, we could cordially adopt it. What do you mean by truth? Is it your hydra-headed and anomalous Protestantism ? And by error? Is it the obnoxious Ro- mish Hierarchy ?

Again you promise Canada to “ relieve her of her ponder- ous chains by bearing i¢ with her.” What ‘it’? Her chains? Strange that gentlemen who flaunt their College Diplomas would so glaringly violate the rules of English Syntax. What a pity for Canada that the tiny mouse of the Protector did not comeinto existence while she was fettered by real chains, instead of now proffering its diminutive tusks to nibble imaginary ones off her lion paws? But we much mistake her, Messrs. Protectors, if she is not too proud in the con- sciousness of her superior might to crave or acvept the futile services of your tiny tusks.

Again you predict,“ The Protestants would be brought ; ~~

together—they would know their strength—their ratio of increase—while their fidelity to their trust in spreading truth, (?) and their untiring zeal in the ease of God and man, (?) with the blessing of Heaven, would establish them in perpetual supremacy.”

So you still adhere to your old doctrine of “ Might is right.” But does it not strike you as just as probable that Catholics also would be brought together, and know their strength and their ratio of increase ? Do you expect them to be less faith- ful to their trust, &c. But why seek an amalgamated Pro- testant supremacy by the union of the neighbouring Provinees, while you boast of having “ a vast majority of our intelligent aud loyal citizens” here on your side.

By giving insertion to the above cursory strictures you would, in some degree, correct error, and much oblige

A FREE CHURCHMAN.* Bedeque, August 21st, 1857.

To rae Eprror oy tHe Examiner.

Sr,—I see, in looking over the Protector of the 12th instant, that one of the editors has been wounded by some remarks from a “‘ Free Churchman,” which appeared in the Examiner of the 10th instant, before he had recovered, I believe, from a shock which he had suffered from some obser- vations which previously appeared in the Islander. I had hoped he was on the stool of repentance, when he appeared at the Temperance Hall at a Missionary Meeting as presentor for the very missionaries whom he had so lately termed impostors, for coming to thie City, although they only came to look after the sheep of their own fold. I suppose the rev. gentleman will remember having spoken very disrespect- fully of two rev. gentlemen of that body, and also what he said of the Rev. Henry Crawford, who was so kind as to baptize a child who was at the point of death. He did not hesitate to say on that occasion that the ordinance was pro- faned; nay, more, he wrote a letter to that gentleman containing statements which are absolutely wxtrue, which letter I have in my possession, and can prove the fact as here alleged. Again, on the 25th of January, he stood in his own pulpit aud told falsehoods to his own people, instead of feeding them with the “sincere milk of the word.” He sub- sequently went from door to door asking the people if they had heard that man Allan say anything that could come as & witness against him (Allan.) I believe, Mr. Editor, I am well known ia this City, and I have never shrunk from the investigation of trath. But the rev. gentleman might well be ashamed to lie under such eharges as have been brought against him without the power of refuting them. In his remarks in the Protector of the 11th, he, without regard to truth, says a man who “ never was an Eider sent a document to the Free Presbytery bearing a falsehood on its very front.” Sir, | have to inform you that all that was contained in that document was true, and of this fact he is well aware. I have no confidence in the Lower Court of which he speaks. It sat in judgment and tried to disparage the character of a woman who was not a member of the Free Church, though her husband was. * * * He speaks of Duncan Maclean not being able to find a back door. I think that his brother editor will hardly be able to find one for himself. ’Tis true he read me out of the Church, because i went with Mr. White to get his child baptized, but that circumstance gives me very iittle trouble. What I have said and written about the rev. gentleman is all true, and until he comes from bebind the screen of the Presbytery, and proves that I have alleged falsehoods against him, I shal! not trouble myself or the public any more on the subject.

I am, Sir, your very humble servant,

GEORGE ALLAN. Charlottetown, 19th August, 1857.

editor’s remarks upon my communication to the Examiner.

Instead of containing anything like a reply to my arguments, every candid reader must admit that the whole article is nothing more than a tirade of foul aud violent abuse of me— the only mode of argumentation in which the Protector ex- cels. It must be peculiarly galling to these voracious, dut pious vultures of public and private character, to find that after their appetite had been whetted by the anticipation of fresh game, they are evidently on the wrong trail, as I cannot comprehend their meaning, when they state that I “ figured rather conspicuously last spring,” &e. Nor do I see how my having found fault with the conduct of some of the clergy of the Free Church can afford valid grounds for denying my having any connection with that Church. I was baptized by a clergyman of the Free Church—the most distinguished divine in the north and west of Scotland—and, now, in re- viewing my past life, I cannot call to recollection one act of mine which would warravt my exclusion from the communion. The reverend gentlemen have charged me with falsehood, and

such an unfounded accusation against me. Were not their characters more tenacious than those of ordinary mortals, on account of their position in society, it would be hardly worth while for any person, whose own character can bear investigation, to notice any charge against him emanating from such a source. Such is the moral depravity and total disregard for truth, which they have manifested in the late quarrel with the Editor of the Islander. Every respectable person would wish to see them freed from the odium which attaches to them in consequence of the grave charges so clearly and ably stated—proved indeed—against them by Mr. Maclean, before he could feel much inclined to enter the lists against them. It scems that I was misinformed re- garding the office held in the church by Mr. Allen—that he was not an Elder, but a Church Trustee—but elder or no elder the man was equval!y entitled to justice. The writer (or writers) {says (or say) “ that he (or they) has (or have) never urged compulsion in religious matters.” Now, I con- tend that some of the reverend gentlemen did, in direct and unequivocal terms, recommend the adoption of compulsory measures against Catholics, and J can prove it, 1 am sorry the reverend writer would expose his ignorance so far as to argue that there is no difference between expressing a thing as a belief or an opinion, and laying it down as a fuct, principle, or rule of conduct. If I state that the Rev. George Sutherland wrote the article referred to, 1 may be in error; but if L say merely that it is my Jeltef he wrote it, who will dare tell me that I state a falsehood. It no doubt grieves the Protector to be told of the baldness of its editorial articles.

I have no time at present to expose the inability of the reverend editors, but I purpose next week (D. V.) to shew that they are able to write neither sense nor grammar. Yours, &e.,

Aug. 18, 1857. A FREE CHURCHMAN.

P. S.—Errata.—In my last communication, instead of “the smal! portion of the genera] enlightenment and liberal- ity of the age which have,” read which has ; and instead of * sublimed pinnacle,” read suddime pinnacle,

_——

Che Examiner.

CHARLOTTETOWN, P. E.1,, AUGUST 31, 1857.

ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISH MAIL.

LATER INTELLIGENCE FROM INDIA.

Tae English Mail arrived here on Thursday last, having reached Halifax on the morning of the previous day in the steamship America. We regret to learn that the intelligence received via New York a few days before, with reference to the fall of Delhi—is not confirmed by our later dates. It appears that the rebellious Sepoys still held that city against the authorities as late as the 27th June — the officer in com- mand of the European troops not having sufficient force to make a vigorous attack upon it, although some sharp encoun- ters had taken place outside the walls. The besieging army was, at the latest dates, in hourly expectation of reinforce- ment; and there is no doubt that long ere this the murderous villains who had taken refuge within the walls of Delhi, have paid the penalty justly due to their diabolical crimes. Aware of the melancholy interest with which every intelligent reader regards the progress of the Bengalese matiny —how- soever distant from the scene of disturbance—we make no apology for devoting a considerable portion of our present sheet to the insertion of such reliable extracts from late jour- nals as tend to throw a light upon the sabject, although in doing so, we necessarily exclude much interesting local matter and general intelligence. In our next issue we shall offer some observations of our own on the causes of this Indian re- bellion, and at the same time shall endeavour t give further details of some of the atrocities to which it has given rise.

The other intelligence by the English Mail is eomparatively unimportant. It will be seen that the Emperor and Empress of Franee had paid a visit to the English Queen; and it is surmised that the object of the Imperial visit had reference to the Indian mutiny.

THE BENGAL MUTINY,

LATE AND IMPORTANT NEWS BY THE STEAMER ‘ARABIA’? FROM EUROPE,

Tue Royal Mail Steamship Arabia arrived at New York on the 19th instant, with four days later news than furnished by the last Steamer from England to Halifax. The most impor- tant part of the news has reference to the affairs of India.

Rousored Caprure or Detut, with Taz SLavcuTer oF Seven Tuovsanp Mutinerrs.—The intelligence of the capture of Delhi is stated as a fact in the overland summary of the Bombay Telegraph and Courier, of July 1. We give the passage in full below :—

“ Since the publication of our last summary have transpired. Delhi has fallen, and upwards of 7,000 mutineers have been put to the edge of the sword. The army of retribution, under General Barnard, arrived before Delhi on the 8th ult. On reaching Caidlee Serai, the English General found the mutineers strongly posted in an entrenched position, completely protected by a strong park of artillery. After reconnoitering the position of the enem ys Gen. Barnard at once brought up his columns to the attack. The insurgents fought with the most determined bravery, their guns were well served, and they seemed to be under the guidance of leaders well versed in the science of war. All their efforts however to maintain their position, were unavail-

~ events

* This is not the same “ Free Churehman® who recently published in

this paper a stinging letter on the subject of Maclean's quarrel with the

, and who has a second letter in this No. We have good reason

to know that nearly ali the intelligence and talent of the Free Church, |

anda deal more—are opposed to the views of the zealots who are

Jabouring so bard te stir up a religious fanaticism by a constant display of bigotry and intolerance ip the columns of the Protector.—Ep. Exe.

ing ; it was carried at the point of the bayonet, and they were ultimately driven within the walls of Delhi, with great slaughter, and the loss of twenty-six guns. The loss on our side was, comparatively speaking, trifling—only some forty or fifty of our men having fallen. Amongst this number was Colonel Chester, the Adjutant-Goneral of the army, an

[ in turn charge them with the same, in their having brought |

‘latter our minds are so far relieved, and the news of its wide

be with his manes. The conduct of the troops, Kuropean and Native was most praiseworthy. They vied with each other in daring, and they seemed to be actuated by but one feeling—a thirst for vengeance. The Native Contingents

fought well. — The interval between the 8th and the 12th—the day upon which the city was stormed—seemed to have been occupied by General Barnard in cannonading and shelling the city. As soon as practicable breaches had been made in the walls. The town was carried by assault. Full particulars, however, have not yet been received ; but it must have been a gallant affair. From news which we have received from a private source, we learn that the mutineers fought like fiends. The streets were blocked up with their dead and dying, but they still maintained an unbroken front, until a miserable remnant took refuge in the Palace.

“This, however, offered them but a momentary refuge ; guns were brought to bear upon its massive walls, and the miscreants were driven out to meet death on the points of thousands of avenging bayonets. The slaughter was terri- ble; upwards of 7,000 of the mutineers are said to have perished, Our loss is, no doubt, great ; and England may expect to hear that many of her sons have fallen ; but the turning point of the revolt has been gained ; and its entire suppression will be surely and speedily accomplished. With the fall of Delhi all hopes of eventual success must have been extinguished in the bosom of the most sanguine.”

There aro various statements made with more or less con- fidence of the fall of Delhi. The following circumstantial account purporting to be an extract from Shergotty, June 14, is published in the Bombay Tames:— ar’

« Delhi is captured. Thirty thousand lives lost, consisting of men, women and children, ‘he British forces gave the mutineers only 24 hours’ time to clear their families out of the Delhi fort ; but they would not listen; they said that the English were speaking lies. ‘ Couch dur naye hey hum o k ke couch kurna suckaganye’ (there is no fear; they cannot harm us.) After the lapse of twenty-four hours, the British commenced firing till they razed Delhi to the ground. Every- thing is now quiet round about Delhi; but there are risings in small forces. Gya is expected to rise on the 15th inst. A detachmeat is ordered to proceed there to guard the treasury, containing nine lacs of rupees. The Ist Fusiliers, on their march, met a number of the mutineers on the Allah- abad road, and cut up a greatymany of them.”

The Bengal Hukara of July 1, says that a similar state- ment had reached that place.

The Liverpool Mercury says: ‘* The passengers from India think that the mutiny is not considered in England so serious as it really is. They give some frightful details of atrocities committed by the mutineers. In Delhi six European ladies had taken refuge in a room; one of them, very young and beautiful, concealed herself under a sofa. The other five were subjected to outrage by the mutinous soldiery, and then beheaded. The blood trickled under the sofa, and the young female concealed there betrayed herself by uttering a shriek. She was seized and taken to the harem of the King of Delhi. This is considered a proof that the King is in league with the mutineers.

The Delhi Gazette Extra, of June 15, recounts some of the atrocities of the mutineers :—

“ Give full stretch to your imagination—thiuk of every- thing that is cruel, inhuman, infernal, and you cannot then conceive anything so diabolical as what thesedemons in human form have perpetrated. On the 2d we marched from Pani- put to Race. At this place some of the poor fugitives from Delhi met with most barbarous treatment. We burnt four villages on the road and hung seven Lumberdars. One of these wretches had a part of a lady’s dress for his kamber- bund—he had seized a lady from Delhi, stripped her, violated and then murdered her in the most cruel manner, first cutting off her breasts. He said he was sorry he had not an oppor- tunity of doing more than he had done.

« Another lady who hid herself under a bridge was treated in the same manner, then hacked to pieces, and her mangled remains thrown out on the plain. We found a pair of boots, evidently those of a girl 16 or 17 years of age, with the feet in them. They had been cut off just above the ankle. We hung many other villians and burnt the villages as we came along. A man who witnessed the last massacre in Delhi, where he had gone as a spy, gives a horrid account of it, stating that little children were thrown up in the air, and caught on the points of bayonets, or cut as they were falling, with tulwars.”

(From the London Times, August 3.)

“The Bengal Native Army has ceased to exist.” We repeat the summary of the Indian news in the same form in which we gave it on Saturday. The list of disbanded and revolted regiments is undoubtedly portentous and can only be described in this way. And now what is the conclusion we are to gather from this fact? It is a melancholy one ?| Are we to begin trembling for our Indian Empire? We think the natural conclusion from this fact is quite the con- trary to a melancholy one. The truth is, the very extent of the mutiny is the most satisfactory evidence we could possibly have that this 7s a military mutiny, and nothing more. Had there been the slightest wish on the part of the population at large to rise up against our government, there must have been some popular outbreak before now, with so wide-spread a mutiny as this to elicit and encourage it. The revolt of the whole native army of a Presidency must have awakened the embers of a national rebellion if there were any to awake. We know that news travels very rapidly in India, and that the mass of the people is speedily informed of such passing events as interest them. With so large a number of muti- neers, then, let loose among the mass of the population, there must have been by this time full knowledge of the mutiny and of its extent. Well, then, the watchword of rebellion has been raised, and it bas fallen dead upon the native popu- lation. This is a military mutiny. It is nothing more. | These soldiers stand alone with their flag of revolt, and no- body joins them. In this state of the case the greater the number of mutineers, the weaker is their ground; the more successful this movement is as a military revolt, the less it approaches to a national one. We have the data before us for a diagnosis, and we know now the nature of the disease. Had the mutiny been less wide we might have thought that the native population was waiting till it became wider ; but, having come to such a head as it has without producing any effect upon the native population, it tells its own history, and. we have only to repeat that it is a military revolt, and no- thing more.

It is satisfactory then, to find that this is a military mutiny and nothing more, because we know that a military mutiny is a mere affair of ambition, and no result of those honest natural motives which have so often excited just and patriotic rebellion, and therefore no evidence of any cause in our own administration to excite such motives—-no evidence against the justice and benevolence of our own past govern- ment in India. But it is also satisfactory to find this out, because a military mutiny is a decidedly manageable thing. Whatever difficulties a national revolt might occassion, a simply military outbreak is a thing we can putdown. There can be no doubt about that; and for that reason we say that even the news of the wide-spread character of this movement is satisfactory, as deciding the question of the nature and character of it. The great question to be asked about it is,

history koows what sort of thing a military revolt is, that it isa totally different thivug from a national one, totally distings in its motives and object. The ordinary motive of a natj

revolt is indignation at oppression ; it is the wish to shake off some grinding yoke, which interferes with happiness, ang

then, sprung from the people in the first instance, there would have been, at any rate, a strong prima facie ground that we. had been maltreating them, and that our government had. been oppressive and unjust. But the motive of a milj mutiny is ambition, Large bodies of men awaken on occasion to the knowledge that they have arms in their

that they know how to use them, and that they outnumber’ their masters. They are well-fed and well-clothed, acous. tomed to a comfortable life, and have not to work much for it. Their courage rises some fine morning as they look dowg their lines and see that they have all the military externalg that their masters have. The idea occurs to a few restless spirits: “* Why should we not try our chance of a new poe. tion? It is a shame that such fine fellows as we are should have neglected our opportunity so long. There is a

place there ; let us seize it, set up some ruler of our own, and govern India in his name, There is the old Mogul there ; he is just the man for us, he is the centre of a wide circle of national and traditional associations, the people will catch ag his name, and anticipate a return of old times and old tri- umphs.” a movement as this. A number of soldiers seizes Delhi, set up the old Mogul, and raise the standard of rebellion. The object of the whole affair is transparent. Were they success ful, these men would, of ies the new rulers of India. They would make their puppet in Delhi sign what edicts they pleased, and instantly put themselves in jon of the whole power and patronage of the empire. so many satrapies vacant, so many grand places at court and camp to be distributed among the Indian Preetorians.

The native princes evidently regard it as such. feel no inclination to join, and very naturally, because, in the first place, they do not think it will succeed : and, in the next place, they cannot wish it to succeed. They know wel] enough what the first act of their new masters at Delhi would be—viz : to oust them from their thrones and substitute some new made men and rough soldiers of fortune in their places, A rebellious mation in a victorious contest with a dominant stranger retains its native princes, but a rebellious army un- seats them, as a matter of course. But even as a mili outbreak this mutiny has its weak points. It is confined to one Presidency. It has secured no great leader. If Scindia or Holkar had put himself at the head of it, we should have thought worse of it thau we do. Al] that we see at is that the native nobility and rank of India stand aloof from it,

Reinforcements have before now begun to pour in in ra- pid succession, and in a short time a much larger force will be collected to keep India than was even used in i it. We are sending a steam fleet unexampied, except in the Black Sea three years since. The Chinese war, as it happens, bas fitted in most harmoniously with the emergency, has already supplied our Indian army with a ready-made rein- forcement. The Government at home, too, is acting with an energy equal to the occasion. It is impossible to suppose that a country which a hundred years ago conquered Hindo- stan should now, with resources multiplied indefinitely, and with all the weight of intermediate prestige, be unable to maintain it—that a power which is at least ten times greater than that which gained an empire, cannot quell a mutiny in its own army. It will require great sacrifices, of course. We do not dissemble our couviction that the cost both in men and money wil! be great, but for this the country is prepared. and with these success is certain.

Gn the authority of ‘* Bazar intelligence,” which is said to fly faster than government agents, it was stated that Delhi had fallen, We do noi credit the report, whieh is doubtless the same as that mentioned in the beginning of the letter which we printed on Friday last, afterwards contradicted by the writer himself. An emute was daily expected at Madras, where the Europeans had taken arms. The Kast India Com- pany made a requisition on the government for 6000 more troops, and preparations were making for the speedy em- barkation from Southampton of several regiments of artillery and cavalry, for Iudia service.

Soom

NEWS BY THE LAST ENGLISH MAIL AT HALIFAX.

THE MUTINY IN INDIA.

THE REPORT ABOUT THE FALL OF DELBI.

fallen ; and although it is not in the nature of things that the report should be confirmed until the arrival of the next mes- sage by the electric telegraph, it does not stand altogether

without mee The report is this :—On the 17th of June, Sir any rnard made a storming attack, which was suc- cessful.

A pumber of the natives, comprising, it would ap- ar, some of the towns-people, as well as women and children, ad collected in some enclosed place; the number is stated at 30,000, or more probably, at 13,000. When the town was captured, the party which held this place refused to surrender it, or to evacuate it ; and it was blown up ; but whether by the occupants or assailants is not stated. Such is the re The authentic accounts from Sir Henry Barnard come to the 16th of June, and nothing later appears to have been received by the Government. According to the account, how- ever, this report had been received in Bombay after the mails were made up, and just as the steamer was coming away. The story has been communicated to persons in this coun through some few of the private letters, the closing of whi was delayed to the last moment. The receipt of intelligence to the 17th was not impossible ; and it was by many thought probable that Sir Henry would attempt a movement on or about the 16th. One account describes him as likely to retreat about that time, after ‘striking a blow ;’’ and the “ blow” might be more effectual than he expected. There is no doubt that the story comes to this country vouch@d by persons of

native. : We are not able to add our own voucher; but since it was likely to reach some of our readers, we have thought it our duty to explain exactly to what it amounts, and on what grounds it rests.— London News of the World, Aug. 9.

THE INSURRECTION IN INDIA.

DELHI STILL HOLDING OUT—MORE BATTLES WITH THE MUTINEERS — FURTHER SPREAD OF THE MUTINY.

Delhi has not fallen up to June 27. deal of fighting outside the Fort a ent eS The rebels were repulsed with loss on every occasion. The city was reported to be full of sick and wounded, and cholera prevalent.

General Van Courtland, marching upon Thansi and Hissar, had two engagements with the rebels near Sirsa. The rebels fled in disorder, leaving two hundred dead on the field, besides

prisoners.

The Punjaub remains quiet.

General Woodburn’s columns crushed the rebellion at yy wit ween Intelligence had been received of the mutiny of the troops at Morandabad, Tyrabad, Sectopore, Sangor, Nowgong, Baa- dar, Futtyghur, Mhow, and Indore. The Governors of the provinces are at their ive seats. The Money Market is in a very unsettled state. Money § difficult to be had on any terms. Government Securities had given way considerably. First batch of China troops arrived at Calcutta, per Simoom, about the 2d of July. Our force before Delhi is stated to be from 7,000 to 8,000

is it a national revolt or is it a military one? If it is the

Europeans and 5,000 natives. ts The native portion of the force is proved to be trustworthy.

which can be borne no longer, Had this revolt in Todia,

This military revolt bas exactly the look of such.

A report has been current for some days, that Delhi has

; ee 5 ~‘ ORF EE

the highest respectability in Bombay—European as well as -