Sele

permit him to persevere in that resolution. (Loud and enthusiastic cheers.) I have by no means such an opini- on of the life of the Parliament as Mr. O’Neill enter- tains. I don’t wish ita long lifes I wish it a sudden death and without the benefit of Clergy. (Laughter and cheers.) I wish it a sudden death by the restoration of the Irish Parliament; and when we obtain that Parlia- ment, we shall have Mr. O'Neill sitting for an Irish constituency, and attending to the interests of Ireland

alone. (Loud cheers.) I don’t think it possible, even if)

the Union were to continue, that the Parliament will be long-lived. It has been elected undera singular state of parties. Parties are in a state of fusion, or per- haps I should say of confusion. (Hear, hear.) But they will not be long so. The miserable motives that have been at work in many quarters will not be long in ga- thering toa head; and you will have the Whig and Tory party again. You will have the Tory party united under Sir Robert Peel, and you will have the Ministry driven from office in order thatthe country may get

a Government more to its liking, But Isay more—I1/8

say the Union will not be continued—({cheers)—there- fore, the Parliament will not last long. It is not by Ireland alone, but by the inevitable tendency of the laws that have been passed, thatthe Union will be re- pealed. And the Repeal of the Union is the only thing thatcan bring the country safe through the revolution which she shall pass through before tnis time twelve- months, if some great and comprehexsive step 1s not taken in advance. (Hear, hear, hear.) Many remedies may be devised for the evils of Ireland, but we have the true answer ready; by bringing back the monies of the country, and by bringing home the rich proprietary—in a word, Repeal the Union. (Cheers.)

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1847.

The Proclamation which makes known and puts in effect the renunciation, by the Imperial Government, of the Imperial Duties, has just been promulgated; and viewing it as connected with several significant circum- stances which have recently transpired, but more par- ticularly the publication of a Despatch, which was in- tended, it should seem, to draw each of the North Ame- rican Govarnments into an examination of the question, whether or not it may be practicable, by means of a sort of Congress to be holden for that purpose, to put all the Colonies under one code of Customs Laws, and likewise under one General Post Office Regulation, &c.—gives us reason to think (it may be to apprehend,) that except- ing as respects mere municipal regulations, there is an intention to place these Colonies under one Federal Government. We would remind “A British Colonist,» that the Imperial Government has already done away with all differential duties, and that the whole subject of Free Trade, both Inter-Colonial and Foreign, is about to be brought under discussion. It is not now ne- cessary to follow the writer in the Gazeite, 1 investi- gating this matter; for however ably he has treated the subject, he stops short of giving any advice upon the matter—telling us merely, if we read him aright, to be extremely careful how we enter on the career of Free Trade, and particularly insisting that its basis, at al) events, should be reciprocity. Without at present pledging ourselves to anything decisive, we do not hesi- tate to affirm our conviction, that Free Trade in Corn is an undoubted boon to the Colonies. There would seem to be diversities of opinions on this matter in the Canadas,where many consider that the States can carryon through the St. Lawrence a trade ruinous to their agri- culture; and it is even proposed to render such a com- petition abortive, by encumbering it with transit duties. As to ourselves and the Corn Trade, we are, or ought to be—a considerable exporting country. We have no rivers on which to tax the trade of neighbouring coun- tries during its transit. We are simply placed in fair and open competition, and there is not any intelligible reason why we cannot afford to export such corn as we grow, at the same price as our neighbours. The differ- ential duties being disallowed by the policy of the Im-

rial Government, we certainly see no reason why we, _-as one of the States of the proposed Union—can have anything to fear from an understanding being come to, regarding an assimilation of our duties with those of the neighbouring British colonies. There must ever be sources of revenue, of an indirect nature, in a country where there is no realization of property, and those du- ties must be raised on imported articles. We cannot conceive that there can be any sensibly great alteration in those we at present impose ; and if the matter is to

THE EXAMINER.

stop there, no great difficulty in an assimilation would oceur. With the States we have not any reciprocity, for it is very little they take from us. Free Trade as respects our intercourse with them, has no object,— the home Market being already open to our Grain. We have no particular interest in reducing our duties on British goods; for, after all, we must have a revenue equal to pay the expenses of Governmment, which, as a matter of course—now that the duties are made over __will be thrown on our own hands The question of the Post Office is one of minor import, aud must depend on calculations and details, of which we have not the data. We can then look on these instructions-~and such they are, so far as indicating nothing that would be of very difficult arrangement. But farther than holding a Congress on the subject of duties, we cannot vo. Our insular situation, with the frozen seas which separate us from the continent, effectually, in our opini- on, debar us from having a due share ina Federal Union.

The free gift, however, of the Imperial Duties, is a momentous crisis in Colonial History, though it affects

us only to the amount, we may say, of collecting Cus- ‘toms and Excise by one department, and so far from ‘separating us from the British Crown, will have a direct tendency to bind us to it by increased ties of gratitude, And if, on the basis of their remission or reduction, we can establish a Free Trade anywhere, based on recip- rocity, we shall do well; but having only few things to export, or to which to apply capital or industry, we can- not blindly embrace the doctrine of Free Trade ; for we can form no parallel with an old country in this matter ; for there, if capital is rendered useless by remission of duties, there are multifarious objects to which it can be applied, and frequently with great benefit to the com- munity at large; but with us there is no such converti- bility.

OPINIONS OF THE ENGLISH PRESS ON CO-

LONIAL POLITICS.

We are permitted, through the politeness of a friend, to make the following extract from the London “ Daily News” of the 30th August.

The result of the genera] election in Nova Scotia has brought on a critical period for our North American colonies and the empire at large.

The returns show an undisputed majority inthe House of Assembly of eight liberals —of eight members of the party opposed to the provincial cabinet bequeathed by Lord Fatkianp to Sir Jonn Harvey. The ques- tion whether there is or is not to be a responsible govern- ment in Nova Scotia can no longer be evaded. The present administrative council of that colony and the new House of Assembly cannot act in concert; one or the other must give way. If government acquiesce in the decision of the colonial elections, and form a pro- vincial cabinet of the leaders of the popular party, public business wiil go on smoothly and satisfactorily. Ifan attempt is made by any coup d’etat, or by corruption, to keep the old party in office, the consequence, not for Nova Scotia alone but for the whole of our British North American colonies, may be ofthe gravest cha- racter.

The leaders of the party which has triumphed in the late elections were excluded from office by Lord FALKLAND on purely personal, and, we must be allowed to say, most paltry, considerations. They unquestion- ably possess among them a greater amount of business talent than is to be found in the ranks ofthe opposite party. Their loyalty is unquestioned, and they are the popular party. It is to be hoped that Sir Jonn Harvey will not allow any personal grudge, because these gen- tlemen declined when he took the reins of government to lend themselves to make up a composite cabinet devoid of principle, to prevent his at once and frank] calling to his council the popular leaders. Should he be so ill advised, we cannot believe that the brother-in- law of the jate Earl of Duraam—himself so frank and fearless in the avowal ofhis liberal opinions—will coun- tenance such an attempt toride rough-shod over respon- sible government. We look, in the event of Sir Joun’s demurring, to his receiving a peremptory intimation to govern with and through the House of Assembly, or resign his appointment.

Nothing short of this, we are satisfied, will content the people of Nova Scotia. If they are thus left to re- gulate their internal affairs according to their own no- tions, their attachment to the British connexion wil] know no bounds. The bad effects of any course of policy adopted by the home government that would shake the loyalty of Nova Scotia, by infringing upon the constitutional rights of the colonists, would not be contined to that province. Canada is still in a doubtful temper: the effects of the unlucky misunderstanding between Lord Mercatre and the leaders of the respon- sible government party have not yet entirely subsided. A deputation is at presant on its way, or about to be sent,

from Prince Edward’s Island—with the Speaker of the|h

Hease of Assembly at its head—to complain ofthe con- duct of the rnor. With new or scarcely appeased discontents lurking in all the neighbouring colonies, it would be the height of folly to trifle with the public feel-

ing of Nova Scotia.

Great Britain has much staked upon the loyalty aud love of these North American colonies. The posses- sion of Halifax and Bermuda gives us in time of war the command of the whole North American coast. With these two stations in our ession, and with a constant communication maintained by steamers from this country to each, and between them, our fleets might keep the northern Atlantic as easily a8 ever our ances- tors kept the narrow seas. Losing Halifax, there is no other harbour in America that could serve as a substi- tute for it; and, separated from it, Bermuda would lose almost all its value. But Halifax is no Gibraltar, to be held in defiance of the people which possesses the main land. The only condition upon which weecan retain it is the maintenance of the colonial nerus which binds the countries behind it to the mother country. And the only condition upon which that nerus can be maintained is by keeping the colonists loyal. To make and keep them so there is no other recipe than that of leaving their local government in their own hands. Self-government in all local affairs will soon render them as prosperous as their neighbours in the United States, and prosperity will keep them loyal.

Whilst it is gratifying to know that the Colonies are regarded with friendly and generous feelings by an in- telligent and influential Press in England, and to find it ready to advocate the claims to all the advantages of free Government, which these Colonies possess in com- mon with the Mother Country, it is nevertheless neces- sary that sound views and accurate information should be promulgated by every legitimate means. That the “Daily News” has fallen into an error with reference to the causes of complaint in this Colony, is evident from the manner in which the allusion is put. It has been, for so long a period, the misfortune of the British Ame- rican Provinces to be governed by injudicious or inca- pable officers, and complaint and remonstrance, on the part of the Colonists, have been so long the necessary result of their government, that the inference is readily drawn by our English cote:porary, that Sir H. V. Hunt- ley’s Administration is distinguished for partiality and corruption similar to what has been heretofore laid at the door of Colonial Governors. This inference is, how- ever, decidedly wrong. Until within a year or two Sir Henry V. Huntley was justly censured for following in the footsteps of his predecessors , and whether he was chargeable with equal hostility to the opinions and feel- ings of the people, he gave evidence of no desire to promote their wishes, and cultivate their generous feel- ings towards himself, until circumstances emancipated him from the thraldom of a despotic Councillor. Since then, Sir H. V. Huntley has been guided by the most liberal views, in the administration of his Government— maintaining a position wholly differeat from that here- tofore occupied by any Colonial Governor—frankly and boldly declaring his adhesion to those principles of Go- vernment which the “ Daily News” advocates on behalf of the Coionies, a fact which is strikingly proved by the nature of the opposition now offered to him, and by the never-to-be-forgotten delegation--an opposition set on foot by the enemies of the Reform Movement--and a Delegation, a part of whose object it is to complain that the Governor has adopted in his Government the princi- ples of the Liberal Party.

Tue HonoraBee Amprose Lane was, on Tuesday last, sworn in Administrator of the Government of this

y|{sland, in the absence of His Excellency the Lieuten-

ant Governor, Sir H. V. Huntley,

To CorrEsponpents.—In our next No. we shall complete the publication of the several communications which have been lying over for two or three weekg past,

Accipent.—A man named Dougald Buch Big Belfast, fell on Saturday last ei is at ore Barque Boreas, lying in Orwell Bay, and was drowned

Dreaprut AcciwEeNnt.—A man wh

ployed in the Messrs. Scovill’s Stonpe: Milt ae was, on the 27th ult., drawn in contact with a wh I; - one of the Mills, and had both his arms torn of t a shoulders, one of his legs and two of his ribs Soe

He is not expected to survive, Hj r ~ o Ss c

Concert.—Baron de Fleur i purposes to i wer “cneant on. Syeatap next. The ieitdienen, ant reputation entitle him to a bumber

eRe a