a Meee ” aed |

Che Examiner,

“THIS IS ‘TRUE LIBERTY, WHEN FREEBORN MEN—HAVING TO ADVISE THE PUBLIC, MAY SPEAK FREE.” —Evrrripes.

Vou. 1] CHARLOTTETOWN, P. E. ISLAND, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1847. [No. 20.

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SPLIRIL 2 PES PRBS. country, as a distinct country, be blotted out; and he consideration of Parliament? Some persons contend oo therefore thought to restore what his country had lost ‘that the great measare to be submitted to the Legislature {From Brownson’s American Review.] through the zeal, kindled at the altar of Jacobinism, of| is the Bill of Indemnity to the Bank Directors for over- IRELAND AT THE PRESENT MOMENT. _ ithe hot-headed patriots of 98. If any man ever lived|stepping the provisions of their Charter at Ministerial who held the principles of revolution in abhorrence, the instigation. Others, that the weighty employment principles of the French Revolution, in particular, that which is to create a zest for the festivities of Christmas, ite life, ita prosperity, and its duration. No peuple ur. man was Danie] O’Connel!; and if there were ever a will be the fashioning some scheme for the relief of Irish

vives its constitution. The overthrow of our republican peop , wnat shone — ee, that people is the Ir ish, | distress, Herve is the principle of the difference between him and On the one hand, however, there seems no pressing

constitution, would be our political death. Spanish ard :

America, if it does not re-establish its original monarchi- Young Ireland, a principle which, we regret to say, his) need for a Bil of Indemnity, and on the other it is stoutly “cil eil i aelatpndatie onder; mantk ether lapse ‘aint completa ne in too many instances seem to us to overlook, | denied that any loan for Ireland will be proposed by Mi- hesitate, or be ubsorbed by us. The Cansdés navel °° many of them seem to imagine that he would go as|nisters to Parliament. If nothing effective in the way

foolishly attempted once, perhaps may attempt again, | 7 effecting : Tn as any one, that he was a|of relief for English embarrassment or Irish distress is to : AUhorough-guing Radical, only he would not consent meierenty the impending month, possibly these preliminary

independence of the mother country, in view of establish- ing the republican regime; they have thus far failed, nhl eros. wr tt tas ee word, that he ne wil So See ae exiey ort of wanes ae was a sort of Quaker Jacobin, a broad-brimmed Sans-| letting off the superfluous energies of some of the new

for they have royalty and robility in their constitution. | ; ' ‘ If Lower Canada had not had, she would, in what we Cwoattes. Here is their capital mistake, and the reason|members. Ifthe Government has nothing higher than

Sis. Macias: hard ‘ninbe coninbe couse ON UA why they suppose his rupture with the Young Irelanders| routine wherewith to employ these gloomy moments, gained her independence, and become a member of our’ was after all fora a ght cause, and imagine that it ay they seem admirably adapted for the performance of confederacy. Some Young Irelanders appear to us also be healed. Healed it may be, by the conversion of Re- verynenry or two by lees modest abst Gitident sramaer to dream of republicanism or democracy for treland, /Pealers to Serene, Se tere the Young Irelanders|{n pertiouter ee , on the month of November, They could not be madder. The constitution of Ireland |*° papitiuwecy, Dat om ne onier ene ep 6 ee Oe ee eee

What Ireland wants is not revolution, is not a new, Speech—will be illustrated by the impeachment of Lord

ig not, never wag, and wever can be republican. Royalty} |". : Te :

and nobility are essential elements of it. She cannot} Political order, a change in her constitution, but her Palmerston and the production of the long-desired evi-

eubsist, if she throws off even the authority of the crown |?" " national canstitution restored to its normal state,| dence which is to prove his treasonable subservience to L “) ‘ ~ | ° e . . . . }

of Great Britain, for she would have left only an ee preserved in its vitality and force ; and this, if done the Court of St. Petersburg, purchased by Russian

plete constitution, only two elements out of the three |3t 2/1, must be done on the principles of legitimacy, as roubles. Youghal and Stafford wiil both labour at this

which are essential to it. She cannot supply from h ersel¢| O Connell contended ; not on the principles of revolution, point with their best strength; the shortcomings of Mr.

the element of royalty fur al! the island,and she would di-|** Young Ireland contends, At is Ireland, Old Ireland, Roebuck will be amply avenged; and guilt in high vide into severa' petty principalities, each under the! whose life is at stake, and which it is necessary to rescue, places, visited with signal exposure, if not with condign representative of its ancient chief, with no suzerain or (20d save. Ireland can know no Young Ireland. A na- punishment, will form am appropriate accompaniment ‘to

lord paramount, and thus revive the interminable fends |#o" cannot be twice born. There can be no Young) the penitential austerities of Advent. Othersteedsduly ‘Ireland. By the very fuct that these young enthusiasts accoutred and ridden by practised (hobby) horsemen,

and wars of a former period of her histcry. Legislative,

indpendence is nut impracticable, because she has, with C2 themselves, Young Ireland, they declare that they yy. perhaps be allowed to canter through a fractional out going to England, both lords and commons, Wi th 2te not Ireland, proclaim themselves not nationalists, as portion of this vacant epoch; but we suspect that the the lords she cou!d not be a democracy, with the com- ‘they falsely pretend, but anti-nationalists. Nationalists eee of the Emperor's note of hand for the pur- siete dne Conia not be an aristoctecy, and with the two, ate those who live the national life, are true to the na- chase of the Whig Foreign Secretary, and of the written

without royalty to mediate between them, she could not|#2al constitution, and ready to die in its support ; not evidence which is said to demonstrate this unquestion- maintain a Goverument. The crown of Great Britain |'PeY who separate from tke nation, discard the nationa}! able treason, will swsllow up all matters of less startling has become integral in her constitution, if we regard her constitution, and are ready to draw the sword, not for’ interest, and leave scanty elbow-room to the less ambi- as Irelan3, and not as Leinster, Ulster, &c. But retain. |'"@ nation that is, but to hew out a nation after their own tious pretenders to senatorial renown. ing the authority of the Britisli crown, there is no rea- image. ‘They may have poetry; they may write stirring) But seriously, we ask, what business is to occupy the son why she may not have her own Parliament; and, |"°'SP9PCF essays 5 they may excel in vague and frothy | weeks before Christmas? ‘The Commercial distress of indeed, since the suppression of her national Parliament declamation ; they may believe themselves honest, en- England will doubtless afford abundant matter for de- was an essential change in her constitution, she has a lightened, and patriotic ; they may even fancy that their bate ; but unless Ministers intend to propose a revision right to it, and it is necessary to restore it, as the con- Spirit is on Jacobinical, and regard the charge of being of the Bank Charter Act—which no one believes—the dition of her national life and prosperity. Without it Tevolutionists asa gross calumny; but, alas! all men case seems to be one in which Parliament can do little she must cezse to be Ireland, and in time become an who demand liberty by appeals to sentiment instead of more than debate, and allow Messrs. Muntz, Newdigate, integral part of England, politically considered, as Scot- Comscience, and expect it from passion instead of law, and Spooner, to break their paper speers against the land already has become. Scotland, as Scotland, has 2re revolutionists in principle, and need only the time) Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. ceased to exist, and so must Ireland, as Ireland, unless 294 the occasion to re-enact the part of Mirabeau, Dan- she recover her national Parliament. It was not, there- ©" and Robespierre. These Young Irelanders, most IRISH AFFAIRS. fore, from a shallow thought, or without profound philo- likely, foresee not now whither — the spirit by which} ‘Phe Irish notabilities—and particularly the Irish sophy, {that the lamented O'Connell on the one hand they are governed ; but let then follow it fora time, and) Counei_continue their discussions in Dublin with a avowed his loyal attachment to the crown of Great Bri ned will find that there is no retreat for them, that they |. Lewhat graver appearance of practical exertion,though tain, which is also the crown of Ireland, and on the other ave placed their country in such a situation that they | without much progress in the way of united effort. In demanded with all his energies the Repeal of the Union, ©%t prevent a Jacobinical revolution, even if they i106 or four adjourned meetings several interesting de- and the restoration of the Irish Parliament. vee and such a revolution would only complete the | ya105 have taken place on certain leading points of re- They wholly mistake O'Connell, and reduce him to “°Tk begun by the Saxon. If Ireland, the Ireland we) ais) policy. Amongst these stand out prominently the level of a very common-place man, who suppose that have known and loved, the Ireland which has withstood |; sh Manufactures and Tenant Right. On the pro- the question between him and Young Ireland was 4 ‘the storms and tempests of two thousand years, famous’ piety of encouraging Irish manufactures all were agreed;

question between ‘peaceful agitation’ and ¢ physical 1" the annals of literature and religion, rich in saints, a455¢ the propriety of fixing a day for the commence- force’ Peaceful agitation and physical force were the Sferings, and long centuries of perpetual martyr dom, | ment of a non-importation pledge, there was considerable respective symbols uf the parties; but the real question’ be not doomed to utter extinction, she will disown these aig.rence of opinion. The managers of the Assembly

lay deeper. The young Irelanders, unless we have her pretended children, and treat them as St. Patrick did held back: the Young blood pressed forward.

whoHy mistaken them, are in principle revolutionists, and *P® less venemous serpents and reptiles which he found) a her 9 debate, in which more attention was paid to hold that a people may make or unmake its constitution uv her soil, and which can no more touch it and live. the sentiment than to the possibility of its realisation, it O’connell was a Conservative, holding the national con-| was resolved by a majority of 47to 37, “that on and stitution sacred, and seeking only to restore and preserve | [From the Loaden Tau J after the Ist July, 1848, we will not purchase, nor allow it. He studied history and politics to ascertain the con-| WORK FOR THE NEW PARLIAMENT. to be purchased for us, any articles whatever of foreign stitution; they study them to find the means for en-| Parliament is summoned for the 18th. A week, production, if the same articles can be produced as kindling the nations! ardour to make such a constitution probably, will be consumed in the preliminary steps in- | cheaply in Ireland.” The exact value of this resolution as they imagine will be best for their country. He was cident to the assembling of’ a new House, and there will!js not very easy to specify. If Irish goods are cheaper a legitimist, they care not a fig for legitimacy. He saw thus be left something more than three weeks for the than foreign they will, of course, have the preference that the constitutson of his country had been suppressed ‘transaction of business before the Christmas holidays. | without the resolution; if they are dearer, the resolution

-by the act of union, and that it must be restored, or his But what business will be submiited to the earliest) proposes to give them no preference; and thus it hits

God, by giving in His providence a particular consti- tution to a particular people, has fixed its law, the law of

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