those who c

——_

qa . Dcbirclnentineenaniasi - — -_--—— ld not be expected ‘Que purty

‘thoir-seats under the present tenure, it cou that aay harmony could exist between them. ) say that they repr . . walle the others were werely the exponeuts of their own in- dividual opinions. The Bill provided for the election of twelve members, as soon as it should have received the Royal assent. Of these, who were to be elected by the re- snective counties generally, and not from electoral districts, sx were te be chosen for Queen's, and three from Prince aud Kiag’s Coanties respectively. {Hon. Mr. Thoriton— Lear!) He supposed that the hon. member intended 7 oppose the appointment on the ground that Queen’s ha double the number of members assigned to either of the -counties, but the objection would not be found to have much weight, if it were remembered that Queen's County was more than double either of .the ethers in population and value of agricultural produce: Besides, the Bill would give to King's and Prince Counties a larger representation in the Council than they at present possessed, for they have but two for each. The qualification for electors was the same as that for electing members of the House, and the mode for conducting the elections was similar in principle to that which was in ferce with reference to the same body. As it was necessary that a Legislative Councillor should be a man possessed of property in the Island, the Bill proposed to &x the qualification of a candidate at the sum of £700, in either frecltold or leasehold property. Le was not wedded to that or any other particular amount, but would not conseat to reduce it below £500. The seat of any Councillor would be vacated by his becoming a defaulter or bankrupt, or divesting himself of his property qualification. The Crown would have no power fo dissolve the Council, (Hear, hear!) Hon. members might ery dear / but what would be the use of an upper branch of the Legislature if it were not a body interposed between the Crown on one hand, cad the people on the other? and if the Government of the day had the power of dissolving the Council, the intimation of the probable exercise of such prerogative might seriously effect the tondttet of members. Such result bad often been experienced in the lower branches of the Legislature in different countries. In conclusion, he would merely say. that the Bill provided for the election of their President by the members of the Council, and tliat the minimum age of » Candidate for a seat was 50 years. He then moved the Bill to Committee.

Hon. Mr. McAULAY rose to second the motion. He did not claim the paternity of the Bill, but he thought he eteod towards it in the relation of a grandfather. For, some nine years since, he had advocated the principle of the measure. At that time he foresaw that events would render the adoption of some such change in the constitution neces- sary; yet his bantling, for which he felt all a parent’s fond- ness, was allowed to perish still-born ; but although the body bad been consigned to the tomb, the spirit which had ani- mated it still survived. The bread which he had then cast upon the waters bad now returned after many days,—the seed which he had sown had taken root, and flourished in many places; and he was happy to think that its fruits would soon be realized by the inhabitants of this Island. A few years since the introduction of such a measure would have been characterised as an audacious assumption of authority, which could only be exercised by the Imperial Government, in which was vested the exclusive rights to make, modify, or abrogate the political insiitutions of the ,Colouies. A century ago, in the then Colony of Massachu- setts, inhabited by men of our own kith and kin, a nomina- ted Council was found not to work satisfactorily, and the British Government allowed the people to elect those whom they wished to legisiate for them. An upper chamber, nominated by the Crown, was necessary in newly settled countries ; but when in the lapse of time, they bad advanced in population, wealth and intelligence, such a body was as illy adapted to their circumstances as would be the garments of the child to the habi!iments of the full grown man. Our gracious Queen, the worthy head of a noble empire, wished her people to be governed in accordance with their own opinions legitimately expressed. The people of the Island had expressed their opinion on this subject in most emphatic terms, and it was for that Louse to give practival effect to their wishes. It had been said that the Legislative Council was snalogous to the House of Lords. If any resemblance existed, ke was unable to trace the features of similarity. ‘That body hed grown up as a separate branch of the Im- perial Parliament, from an age so remote that its inception ‘could be but dimly traced. Its origin might be dated from the time of William Rufus, whese sword-girt barons were

entertained by their monarch at the fesiive season of Christ-

mas. “This association of men of equal rank gradually united them as a collective body in the state, and their power and weight went on increasing until the tyranny of John drove then to the assertion of their own rights, and those of their more humble countrymen. Thus. it was that the despotic power had been checked by the aristocratic and popular influences, which form the basis of the British Constitution. We ought to be proud to copy, as nearly as our circumstances will permit, the institutions of the mother country ; and the substitution of an elective for a nominated Council would be

imati the Imperial system. He would ask a approximation to Pp : . haracterised the proposed change as being alien to the spirit and practice of the British Constitution, if the Parliamentary Peers of Scotland and Ireland were not elect- od? ‘To the argument that the elective principle, as applied ‘ Legislative Councils, had not been adopted in Nova Scotia or New Brunswick, he would answer, that he utterly re- pudiated the idea of blindly following the example of any Golony. We should be guided by our own sense of what we considered most adapted to our situation, and if the here- ditary nobles of Scotland and Ireland were content with the election to legislative functions, surely the great men of Prince Edward Island need not feel their dignity offended by the adoption of the same principle. There could be no prospect of harmonious action between the House and Couucil under the present system. As the interests of the people are affected by the action of those who make the laws affect- ing themselves and their properties, it was but right that they should have the chcice of saying who shall make such laws, and the right to govern themselves having been con- ceded, it was absurd to say that they should not alter the present constitution of the Council, if they so willed it.

(To be continued.)

Correspondence.

To roe Eprror or tue EXAMINER.

The people frequently complain of the length of time it has taken to bring the land question to a settlement; but they forget that it was the Ministers, who are appointed and paid to guard our rights, who allowed a powerful party to hold over forfeited land, on purpose that they should receive a rent and gain an improved estate by the labor and means of working men, who were easily deceived and enslaved ; and it is to Ministers we have to look for redress ; and we know that the Ministers have sereened one another, until Lord Stanle stated the case before the Imperial Parliament. But the people haye Jost the settlement they were seeking more than once, when it was almost within their reach, y changin men and measures—giving up the management of their affairs to the proprietary party—men who cannot do right for the tenantry at this time, without admitting with Lord Stanle that all they bad done formerly was wrong, and if I point out some of the errors which have been committed, it is with the view that such errors may be avoided for the time to come

Application for an coches t of the forfeited lands, for the purpose of settling the inhabitants in freehold, originated as

esented the voice of the the country, |

THE EXAMIN

ge dice ESL

y 787; andi t until the year 1802, | ur back asthe year bF87 ; and it was no Peete of 15 gears, that # despatch arrived from Lord oe ‘to the Lieut. Governor, ‘* to signify His Majesty's low ne, ‘that the Government of this Island should be prepare pul UMSTANCES SHOULD RENDER

ithout less of time, WHEN CIRC a fo the requisite and legal steps for effectually re nee te ie ele lands as might be liable to be vesting in ILis 7 such landsas mig ~ anaeaias ‘escheated and forfeited to His Majesty, either for no P ment, non-payment of t _ of the eonditions of the grants thereof. aa ready obedience and conformuty to His Majesty's gract ‘ d signified, and for effectually promoting, ure, so as aforesaid signified, a0 ity of encouraging, and advancing the settlement and eee e : thissland;’’ the Act to wh ch the above is the eres Sor passed the 2nd of April, 1803, and is intituled * an ™ effectually revesting in His Majesty, his heirs an a saat all such lands ag are of niay be liable to forfeiture with! "e Island.’’ The words in italics conve the Royal assen being passed in obedience with His Majesty's Poa — the onty suspending clause is that marked in sinal ee which says it is to be carried into operation pbs a stances shall render it advisable. But this suspending 18 ne opposition to the intention of the Act, which was a er thie encourage, and advance the settlement and prosper! y phe we Island. but the suspension not only produced — a but served the purpose of the men who passed ~ oe get possession of the most of the forfeited grants, . wes lottetown Common. ‘The escheat petitioned for, rom a“ year 1787, was for the purpose of the tenantry being ott ec in freehold ; but their representatives had entered into oe spiracy to keep them in bondage, and instead of ents, o free, only rivetted their chains; und no man Pee e met expose the fraud, and support the rights of the people. ot it might have been a dangerous task then as it is now, to take up such a cause; for Mr. Douse said to me, during the debate on the land question, and grinding his teeth with rage while he said ao, that I was the greatest curse that ever came to the country ; and instead of argument, the abuse heaped on me from the same sid@of the House would have done credit to a Billingsgate education. The next agitation for an escheat was eommenced bythe people of Belfast, when Dr. McAulay represented them. Ile resented a petition to the House of Assembly, numerously signed, | think in the year 1823, praying for an escheat. The prayer of this petition was yoted premature—too early to petition for an escheat. ‘This was no doubt In consequence of the forged Indulgence of 1816, which would not expire until 1826, and the Doctor did not know that the Indulgence was a forgery, nor had he known that the Act passed in 1803 for an escheat was concealed until cireumstances should render it advisable to put it in operation; thas men with the best in- tentions to serye their constituents were beset at every stage with the snares of a deep laid conspiracy to keep the inhabi- tants in bondage. : F The agitation for an escheat was renewed in 1832, but a secret alliance was formed to thwart any escheat which would settle the tenantry ; therefore the plot was to have a partial escheat. This was to be an escheat of @ few townships which had no owner or tenants, so that each person in the secret should have a grant of land; and I was to have a grant of land if I would say nothing more about escheat ; bat as my object was to have the tenantry released and settled in free- hold, for me to give up their rights for a grant of land would be taking a bribe, and the partial escheat was lost by my refusal ; and the parties who had been eager for the partial escheat threw every opposition in the way of an escheat which would settle the tenantry. But I had never suspected that the Ministers were in the conspiracy to make British subjects tenants, contrary to the imtention of the original grants, until Lord John Kussell r fused to see me at the Colo- nial Office. I then applied to Joseph Hume, M. P., who made himself acquainted with the state of our affairs, and offered to act as our agent in London. ‘Then a petition to the Queen, and another to the Imperial Parliament, were sent by the House of Assembly to Mr. Hume, to submit the papers to the Colonial Minister in the first instance, and if he received a favourable answer, to send it to the Island,and if not to bring the matter before Parliament. ‘The Minister asked for time, and when Mr. Hume went for an answer, he was told that there was to be a new election in the Island, and he could not give his answer until he was informed whether the new House would support the measures of the former House. The sages of 1842 returned a majority in screed _ - preset an i fruits of 10 years agitation wer . : The tones of eaadile had no power without Responsible Government, and it required from 1842 to 1851, nine years agitation, before it was obtained, and then it was only con- ceded upon an understanding, that the Jand holders’ claims were to be purchased. But the Ministers who encouraged the purchase, finding that if they were to buy up claims of persons who had been demanding rents wrongfully, the persons who had been compelled to pay rent wrongfully had a far Letter right to have their money refunded, and therefore Ministers = had promised the means could not obtain a grant from Parliament for such a purchase ; and the Liberals, being dis- appointed of the means to purchase, made up their minds to go for escheat, and eight years were lost in attempting to settle the land question by purchase. But purchase had been the ery of the people for years, and the Liberals gave it a fair trial. When the Loan Bill was rejected, the Liberals were released from their pledge to purchase, and they published their in- tentions before the elections, that they would go for escheat ; and Lord Stanley’s speech was published before the last election, admitting in plain terms that the Imperial Govern- ment had done wrong when they allowed the proprietors to impose upon the inhabatants of this Colony; and yet strange to say, with such prospects of an immediate settlement, the electors returned a majority in favor of those proprietors who have always imposed upon them. Such an extraordinary case is worthy of an enquiry, to try and find out the cause. The proprietary party knew well. although the electors did not,that unless they gained the Government at the last election, the Liberals oie

wit Rents, or non- rformance 0 the P Wherefore im

settle the land question, and the pro- prietors would lose their pewer over this Island for ever. Then a secret alliance was formed, and means collected to employ fit persons to do the deceiving work—the Js/ander, their own organ, calling out corruption from week's end to week’s end, and for a change in the constitution; but all the corruption was in itself, and no change was necessary. ‘Then there was the Protector, demanding the right to read the Bible in schools where they had that right already. And the proprietary party, who would agree to anything but an investigation of titles, were ready to change the constitution to gain one party, and turn hypocrite to gain the other; and in this manner gained the Government by anticipation before the elections ; and the proprietors in Reglaad, to meet their views, had gained the Colonia! Minister, to send a despatch with proposals of an arbitration, and of course the proprietary party here were prepared to embrace any proposal which would amuse the people and prolong their power. And 1 shall next inquire upon what grounds they are acting.

Where a wrong has been committed by Ministers, allowing defaulters to hold ever forfeited lands, on purpose that such defaulters should im an annual rent on persons who re- claimed the land, and had a right to have received it from the crown ; and when this oppression has been made known and complained of to the proper authorities, every act of the Minister to delay justice and continue the oppression, is an additional wrong. In this case thé wrong is in demanding a rent without a right to do so, and not in the amount of the rent demanded, consequently where it is wrong to demand a wae? is equally wrong on principle to demand « penny.

t is said to be a maxim that the delay of the law shall do no man an injury, and as Lord Stanley admitted the wrong in

resence of the Imperial Parliament, it is presumed that an injunction is imposed on the wrong doers that they shall not demand rents until the case is decided ; because every demand of a rent, which was wrongfully imposed in the first instance, is an additional wrong, and becomes more aggravated when it has been go frequently complained of on the one side, and now admitted on the other. ow, for Sir Edward B. Lytton to

ropose an arbitration in a case of this nature, and the Hon. Col. Gray to approve of it, is as inconsistent with justice as it would be to arbitrate between a gang of robbers and the public, to know how much black mail would satisfy them at @ time, so as to le’ the people live and work for more. I promised in my last that 1 would endeavour to explain

y | matters, to show why Lord Stanley’s speech was in favour of

the inhabitants, and the despatches in favor of the proprietors. Lord Stanley was asking Parliament for a grant of money to settle car land question, and consequently had to give néasons to show why a grant of money was required, which -he did ost effectually and showed that it was in some degree to repair |

|'T

\that they may eontinue to recover rents

¢| Minister ; and the Hon.

pleas-|P

ER.

a wrong which had been committed by an Act

mént, and they were in justice } ily written at ' ‘snatches on the land question are generally Ww?’ Be Sespetcnes Oe ? to favour their imtentions, #0

with the apparent

consent of the Government; but they are —? ae in a way to have two or three pein. vere rr an a construction to suit the Serer teal - a i ti despatebes of Sir E. By Lytton to suit his purposes, an e raised him so highly for = onepnenn® Fe ae ag ee voted a title to the proprietors wh o tit ha that in any negociation it should not be a. be Baa fringed. A Minister’s epeeeh in Parliament 18 eer true statement of the past, or the course the —— oo tend to pursue on any question before them. Du ; at the little value of a despatch on the land ay 8 . cite the authority of the Hon. E. Palmer. The fo ee an extract from hia speech on the escheat question, Se ‘Sir, 1 do not think there is any wel ht in the angen

that because it (Court of Eseheat) has been hitherto refused, we should cease our exertions to obtain it. I shall never pay such servile respect to the despatch of a Colonial Minister, cred will E submit with blind {and uncomplaining submission : the continuance of what I may consider to be a genera

grievanésy merely because a Colonial Minister may sep write a hurried dispatch, disapproving of my views. — 0 man is in office as Colonial Secretary to-day ; Gud knows W 10 may hold that office to-morrow. It is no principle to go on ; and if there were a hundred despatches, from a hundred different Colonial Ministers, all condemning & Court of Escheat as being unconstitutional, I should give my vote for the Court, if 1 thought it a constitutional right.

It is admitted that the wishes of the people, properly ex- pressed, is the law, and as the Act of 1803 for the escheat o forfeited lands is to be put into operation without loss of time, when circumstances shall render it adyisable, it remaias with

» to call it into operation. the people to call it! Pp o. eaeelian!

the desire of the proprietors,

Sailor's Hope, June 7, 1859.

Che Examiner. ania ou, rr. E. a wae 26, 1859.

ene

THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.

We will now resume the consideration of the policy of the Government with respect to the dismissals and appointments, as enunciated by the Colonial Secretary in the Jslander of the 15th instant. The following extract, from which we have stripped much verbiage, grossly misrepresents public opinion for the purpose of screening the cupidity of our rulers, and shews what little practical benefit the country is to derive from

their continuance in offiee :-—

«The voice of the country is most unmistakably in favor of depriving of office every Snatcher whose removal can be effected * * irrespective of his standing or position—from Col. Swabey * * down to the petty Postmaster in the country. * *° The triumph obtained at the late Election was wun over a party, the leaders and chief supporters of which are, for the most part, ignorant and thoroughly unprincipled men, who * * were willing to destroy the very foun ations of Suciety, provided they could but mount upon the wreck and sscure to themselves offices and plunder. The men who took from the Judges of the land the appointment of Sheriffs, and vested itin themselves, whereby they were enabled, whensoever they thought proper, to pollute the streams of Justice, by pack- ing juries with creatures as regardless of every thing but party obligations as were they themselyes—- * * the men who acted on the principle that the display of ruffian propensities was a good ground for appointing their supporters Justices of the Peace, and who. by sneh appointments, degraded the Ma- gistracy—are opponents with whom no compact should be made—in whom no confidence can be placed—to whose opinions no deference should be shewn. And we tell the Examiner that the Government, in our humble opini n, will err if they hesi- tats to remove from office any obnoxious official—any rabid su; porter of such opponents, by reason of the outery against such removal which may be made by the opposition.”

We do not hesitate to say that the first sentence of this ** The voice of the country ’’ sings a far different tune from that which the Secre- tary ascribes to it. We hear from every quarter—and a pile of letters on our table confirm the fact—that there is a shout of execration from the East Point to the West Cape at the venality and selfishness of the Executive in providing petty offices for their own families, to the prejudice of the public service, and the detriment of trust-worthy, inoffensive and much respected individuals. Take, for example, the dismissal of some light-house keepers. The person who was lately in charge of the light at the Block-house—where a vast amount of pro- perty depends upon the efficiency and care of the keeper—was dismissed to make room for a man who is notoriously ignorant of every thing, and especially of the duties of the office to which

extract contains a positive misstatement.

he has been appointed—whose only recommendation was, that he gave his yote for two members of the present Executive Council at their last election ; while his predecessor was a most competent nian — was always at his post — and kept himself aloof from politics by not voting for any candidate. Nearly the same remarks w:!! applygto the late and present light-house keepers at Panmure Island. Changes of a similar character have been made in other parts of the country with similar results to the public interests.

With respect to the new road commissioners and new post office keepers, it was not the voice of this country, but that of a much warmer one, that had any thing to do with the ap- pointment of some of them. As to their being persons of standing or character, there is not one of them a whit better than his feighbour whom he supplanted for the paltry con- sideration of a few pounds with the prospect of plunder— and whose only claim consisted in his having voted contrary to the person wltom he superceded ; while, in some instances, the new recipients of Government patronage enjoy unenyiable distinction as the objects of universal detestation, and being more profoundly hated—now especially because they are en- vied—by their own political friends than by their opponents.

Our readers must admire the taste which prompted Mr. Secretary Pope to have recourse, in speaking of late appoint- ments, to the word ‘‘ Snatcher,’’ which the former editor ap- plied to individuals who betrayed an anxious desire for office. Without noticing the gang who have been pitchforked into a little notoriety, by having succeeded in their intrigues to get one employment or another—who have been dying with grief and envy for the last eight years because they could not gratify the itching palm, they had for the public money, and many of whom now loiter, on Council days, with stealthy step and agi- tated countenance, about the precincts of the Colonial Building whenever it is expected that a new batch of officials will be turned out of the Executive oven—it is sufficient to point to Mr. Secretary Pope himself as the embodiment of tho spirit of Snatcherism, which was never more conspicuous than when he made use of his brother’s influence in the Council to ‘*snatch’’ the Secretary’s office from Mr. Haszard. We re- commend him, by all means, to get a new nick-name for his opponents, or at any rate, drop the word ‘* Snatcher.”

It has been always a favorite practice of our opponents to

set down as extremely “ ignorant”’ eyery person in the com-

of the Govern- munity savé themselves, and by contrast to assume great inte bound to provide a remedy. | lectual éupe#iority. Of all their assumptions, this is, perhaps,

a

tt,

eaaaeeeetneanaatmnsneneaatsnanssaeeett aaa nee ND

the most unfounded, and preves nothing 80 Clearly as the empty conceit and vulgarity of the persons who use it. Why, thero is not a man in their whole party conspicuous for great talente or acquirements—not one who could write an essay or & clever letter upon any subject beyond the capacity of a common schookboy ; and if we set aside the little amat- tering of Law-Latin possessed by a few of them, just sufficient to misquote, which any stripling could easily pick up ina month—we find their education is no better than what hiun- dreds of boys are now receiving in the free schools established by the Liberal Government. We are sure the Executive Council itself does not contain so many Admirable Crichtons, or such like prodigies of learning, as to induce their advocate in the Secretary's office to vaunt of their intelligence, and suggest to us a mental comparison between scores of hard- working labouring men, to be found in any settlement, and more than one of Her Majesty’s Ministers in this Colony—the result of the comparisci being decidedly in favour of the former. As regards other officials—and particularly Road Commissioners and Magistrates, who have lately received their quid pro quo for electioneering services—the stories we have heard of the ignorance of some of them is incredible. Like the barons of old they appear to despise the clerkly skill which would enable them to indite their aristocratic names, though some of them are suspected to cherish a secret longing

for the more modest attainment of making pot-hooks and hangers. The new Collector at Bedeque has excited the won- der and admiration of the refined circle in which he moves by shewing that he is positively able, unassisted, to make out a short permit or entry with not more than a dozen mistakes in the orthography.

Regarding the alteration in the law regulating the appoint- ment ef Sheriffs, referred to in the above extract, and the packing of juries, &c., we think the Colonial Secretary would have shewn some prudence and common sense if he had ab- stained from reference to the latter part of the subject. Un- der the old law, Judges of the Supreme Court, with whom the power rested, never nominated to the Shrievalty any but strong partizans on the Tory side, as the present Government have done lately ; and the consequence was, that whenever » trial came on in the Court, having the least political bearing, the Jury box was crammed with the friends aud political as- sociates of the Sheriff, so that it was in vain to expect an im- partial decision on any such case submitted to judicial inves- tigation. We could point, if necessary, to a score of instances. showing the gross injustice which had been done to Liberal suitors by partizan Sheriffs, but they will readily suggest themselves to the minds of many of our readers. They were so numerous, that in no country was the system of trial by jury so deserving of the censure pronounced on the trial of the late Mr. O’Conneli—that if the ends of justice continued to be so flagrantly set aside, trial by jury would become “a delusion, a mockery, and a snare.’’ It was, therefore, high time for a Liberal Government to yield to the people's wishes, and change the law relating to Sheriffs. The law is far from perfect yet, and when the Liberais return tu office, it will be their firet duty to revise it.

But, after all, if the late Government did very wrong in taking the nomination of Sheriffs from the Judges, why was not the Judiciary re-invested with that power during the late Session? If the evil wasa great and crying one, the Tories have most shamefully neglected their duty to the country ia not at once redressing it.

We have not sufficient space to notice at any considerable length the character given of some Magistrates appointed by the late Government. We should be sorry to think, however, that they ure half as bad as some of those who have been lately Gazetted. When we remember the conduct of several Tory Magistrates at the Queen’s County Meeting in August last, where they carried sling-shots and revolvers about their persons, to take human life, if necessary—and where others headed, countenanced and encouraged the display of ruffian violence on the part of a gang of very ignorant and very ex- cited men from a distant part of the County,—when we re- member the blood-thirsty inventions with which others of the s:me party in the Commission of the Peace marched an armed and infuriated « ultitude to Georgetown, to prevent, if possible, the freedom of election in March last—we are astonished at the reckless audacity of the organ of the Government in pre- fering the joul and unfounded imputation, that Liberal Magié- trates had ever exhibited ‘‘ruffian propensities’ in their public or private conduct. The organ cannot adduce a soli- tary instance in support of its accusation; but we shall refer particularly to a Tory Magistrate who was eppointed for this County on the 27th June last, and let our readers form their own opinion of his character. When Mr. George Harris was a candidate for the Murray Harbour District, in King’s County, at the last Election, he became the object of particu- lar hate with some of the political parsonsin that direction, because he had the independence to think and act for himself in supporting the late Government. It appears that his op- ponents in the district were not numerous enough to prevent his election, and a gang of rowdies were collected from this County, living near the boundaries of the adjoining one, and were marched off to the Murray Harbour District under the leadership of an unprincipled fellow, who is only known for the marked disrepute in which he lives —whose ignorance is intense, and who is, in fact, devoid of every quality that should recommend a man to the favourable consideratin of & good Government. We need not say that the unprincipled gang whom he led into Murray Harbour District were destitute of a qualification to vote there. He and they knew that very well ; but the friends of Mr. Harris were imposed upon and intimidated —the fraud succeeded—the Liberal candidate was rejected ; and the fellow who chiefly promoted this knavery has lately had his reward in being Gazetted to the Commission of the Peace. If there should be any contention for the belt, as to who has the best claim to display, after the covetted J. P., the initials suggested by the Islander’s remark—R. P. (‘‘ ruffian propensities’), the distinguished individual to whom we refer will be likely to have the odds in his favour.

We have further observations to offer on the poliey of the Government, which we must defer.

Since the above article was written we have heard of the dismissal of several other persons from various small employ- ments—among the rest, the Superintendent of Public Works, the Adjutant General of Militia, and Mr. Arthur Swabey, second Assistant “in the Post Office. The Council at which these removals were effected was held on Saturday from twelve

to half-past seven o'clock —a tremendous time for their incu-