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THE CHARLOTTETOWN GUARDIAN

(Continued from Page 4)

The opposition of the President to the division of the Turkish Em- pire as outlined in the treaties oi i915, the Sykes-Pleat Treaty and the Treaty of Saint-Jean de Mauriennc, was equally definiw. A note in House's diary as early as the proceeding Allﬂllst indicates that the terms of these treaties were common property even before they were published by the BolshevlksThey know in 'I‘urkey, wrote House ‘of the secret treaties which the Allies have mode among themselves ,in which they cheer- fully partitioned Turkey!

Remaking the World

‘Saturday was a remarkable day,’ wrote Colonel House. ‘I went over to thc State Department just after breakfast to see Polk and the other; and returned to the White House at s quarter past ten in order to get to work with the President. He was waiting for me. We actually got down to work at half past ten and finished remaking the map of the world as we wouldmave it, at half‘ past twelve o'clock. (Ed; Note: Nat urally the time consumed in ‘remuk ing the map of the world,‘ represents merely the time necessary to phrase conclusions which the President had reached after many months cf thoiigt.

‘We took it systematically, first outlining general terms, such as open diplomacy, freedom of the seas, re- moving of economic barriers, estab- lishment of equality of trade con- ditions, guarantees for thereduction of national armaments, adjustment of colonla claims, general association of nations for the conservation of peace. Then we began on Belgium. France, and the other territorial ad- justments, when we had finished. the President asked me tonumber these in the order I thought they should come. I did this by placing the general terms first and territor- ial adjustment last. He looked over my arrangement and said lt con- coided with his own views, with the exception of the peace association which he thought should come last. because it would round out the message properly and permit him to say some things at the end which were necessary,

In discussng these questions I "urged, and made a strong argument for. open diplomacy. I sold there was nothing he could do that would better please the American people and the democracies of the world. and that it was right and must be the diplomacy of the future. I asked him to lay deep stress upon it and to place it first. (Ed. Note: appears as Point I In the speech: ‘Open corivenimts of peace. openly arrived at. after which there shall be no private international under- standings of any kind!)

‘I then suggested the removal, as far as possible, of trade barriers. (Ed. Note: On October 27. 1917, House had written to the President: ‘I feel very strongly that something should be donc at the Peace Conference to end, as fai- as practicable, trade re- strictions. They have been and must continue to be a menace to peace. with tariff barriers broken, with subsidies by common consent elmin- I sled, and with real freedom of the seas both in peace and in time of war, the world could look with con- fidence to the future.

"There should be no monopoly by nny nation of raw materials, or the cssentials for food rind clothing. ‘You announced in your Mobile speech the doctrine that no territory | should ever again be acquired by aggression and this doctrine is now generaly recognized throughout the world. If you can now use I011!‘ commanding position to bring to the fore this other doctrine which is so fundamental to pence, you will have dons more for mankind than any

_ other ruler that has lived,

‘I’! you write such s. message M W¢ my“ qr, I hope you will think it well to say the worst thing that could happen to Germany would be a peace made by a government that w“ not. representative. That such a peace would inevitably lead to econ- omic warfare afterwards-a warfare in which by force of circumstanc this Government would be comﬂell- ed to take pert.‘

Mr. Wilson, lri his December mes- sage to Congress, had already closely followed the suggestion contained in the last venmnh o! How‘! 1W"- nc argued that this would meet with opposition, particularly in the Ben- ate. Nevertheless I thoushﬂ in“ alnos the document was to be a rc- sdjustment of world conditions, it would not be a complete structure unless this was in it. The two mat

EYES TESTED sun ouissn. rrrrm

l. W. TAILOR d. ls ‘IAYIDI

Ophllﬂlﬁta Ill Ilolllolll All!!!

The Intimate Papers . Of Colonel House

causes of war were territorial and commercial greed, and it was just

it was the other. He made no argu- ment against this, and proceeded to frame a paragraph to cover it. (Ed Note: This appears as Point III in

possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equal- ity of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its main- tenance.‘ ' Freedom of the Sea!

‘I then suggested a discussion of hii: term. I answered that I went further than any one I knew, for I believed that in time of both war

as framed read something like this: "Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters alike in peace and in war.”

particular that he add to it that "the seas

tonal covenants." The seized this suggestion with avidity and added it. I gave as my reason for this that I had discussed the matter in England and I believed with this addition it might be ac- ceptable to them. (Ed. Note: This paragraph, which finally became Point II in the speech. read: Absol-

ciiforcemcnt ci’ international coven- ants.‘

House was wrong in his belief that British opinion would be favourably effected by the addition of the last

mans, was strong, and this was the

objection in Great Britain.)

‘One of the points we discuss-e‘ was the reduction of armaments. I-le played with this sometime before he could get it into its present form. wlllCh satisfied us both, Ed. Note:

‘given and taken that national arm- aments will be reduced to the lowest points consistent with domestic saf- eiyf) I need not go into the diffic- ulties of that question because they

“This iarc apparent to any one who has

tried to work out something satisfac- tor-y,

‘We had less trouble colonial question. At first it was thought he might have to evade this entirely, but the President began to hy his hand on it andpresently the paragraph which was adopted was llcﬂebtable t0 us both and we hoped would be to Great Britain, Ed, Note; This‘ appeared as Point V in the speech: ‘A free open-minded. and absolute impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict

observance of the principle that in

determining all such questions of soverelgnity the intrests of the pop- ulations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined‘)

Belgium

‘We took up Belgium and that paragraph was written without dif- flculty. Ed. Note: As Point VII it read: Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restor- cd, without any attempt to limit he scvereignity which she enjoys‘ in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relat ions with one another. Without this healing act the whole stnicture and validity of international law is for- ever impsiredf) Then s long dig- cussion followed on France and whether Alsace and Lorraine should bu touched upon. I was in favor of not mentioning it specifically, h’ it were possible not to do so, therefore at first he put in, All French territ- ory should be free and the invaded Portions restored." We left it there and went on to other territorial readjustment», but, came back to it time and again. The President con- vinced ms that it was necessary to 58y something about it. since the message was so specific to other nations arid I could sce he was right. I suggested then that it should iesd: "If Alsace and Lorraine were restored to France, l" should be liven an equal economic oppor- tunity," and it was writhn this way

‘ and retrained so until Monday morn ' inl.

‘On Monday after we had eaten

lunch, the President mo. as we

were walking toward his study. ‘The

'onl¥ﬂ1lna abouttha manage

the speech: ‘The removal, so far as i

[and peace s merchantman should ‘ traverse the seas unmolested. He , agreed to this, and the paragraph ‘

‘After the message had been en- ‘ tlrely written and he had read it ‘ over three or four times, wondering = how England would receive this , paragraph, I suggested‘

might be closed by intemntional, action in order to enforce interrist- ‘ ‘President .

iite freedom of navigation upon the i seas, outside territorial waters, alike 3 in peace and in war, except as the f

phi-lose. The feeling against the words ‘ ‘freedom of the seas,’ which had been j so consistently chanted by the Ger- ‘

one point which provoked general ,

The paragraph appeared as Point IV 3 in the speech: ‘Adequate guarantees ‘

with the l

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that worries me is 111 resﬂfd gard to Alsace and Lorraine. I sm wondering how that will be taken." i replied that it was practically the only point that disturbed me and I suggested that we try our hands on if, again. As it was I was afraid it would suit neither France nor Ger- many. I thought he might leave out the economic part and put in thﬂ assertion that it had been for fifty years s. cause of unrest in Europﬂ. and that a just settlement of -the question was as much in the lntefﬂl of Germany as it vi-as to the balances of the world.’

‘He then wrote the paragraph as it now stands with the exception that he had “must be i-ighted" instead of should be righted," as I thought best. (Ed. Note: The final tcxt oi‘ this paragraph which became Point VIII in the speech rend: "All French territory should be freed and the ‘invaded portions resorted, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in i871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine jwhlch has unsettled the mace of the lworld for fifty years. should be u-ighted in order ‘that each might ‘once more be made secure in the intrest of all’)

‘The other points we were fearful of were Alsace and Inn-nine, the ‘freedom of the sees and the leveling of commercial barriers. However-m. there was not the slightest hesitation on his part in saying them. The President shows an extraordinary courage in such things. and a wis- dom in discussing them that place: him easily in a rank by himself, as far as my observations go. The more I eee him, the mor- fir-ml! I am convinced that there is not a states- men in the world who ll his equal.‘

Wilson's Historic Speech As delivered. the address came as a surprise. It was known that Mr. Wilson would speak to Congress, very few persons, even among the Allied dl- ‘ ts and member of the Cabinet iuelf; realized what the subject of the message would be. On Tuesday afternoon House mct a Cabinet Officer ordinarily well in- fonned. ‘I asked him how he liked the President's address. l-le replied what speech do you mean. his cssggc to Congress?" He was dumbfounded when I told him that the President had lust delivered What was perhaps the most import- ant utterance since h! had 119911 in the office.‘ This reticcnce w» ~- fully reasoned Ind was Kl upon a mere love of so“. and surprise; m. Wilson met House's objections to it squarely. ‘I was in favor,‘ wrote House, ‘of giving notice to the world in ‘Tuesday moinings papres that the President would go before Congress in order to give America's war aims, my idea being to have the whole world expectant. . . . . ..'I‘he President's ll umcnt was that in giving out such a notice as I

" suggested, the newspape a invariably

commented and speculated as to what -he would say and that these forecasts were often taken for what was really said.’

Rarely in history has a speech dealing with such complicated issues been received with the applause that immediately greeted the fourteen Polntitlt drew the approval or Mr. Roosevelt and m. Frank almonds aswellasthatoflli-Jdoffllﬂill- quit and w. Meyer Inndon. Pres- ident Alderman of Virginia wrote to

HOMO: Th! Ptﬂldlllt’! Illllil U

‘new political order. and the smalls!

simply beyond all praise. I dare to think that in the long ages it will lake its place among the historic documents. not only of American history, but of world history, in its breadth, and vision and strenﬂl-h- It strengthens the purpose and nerves the srm of every loyal Americ- an. It is leadership of the brOHdP-St and noblest type.‘

The most striking appreciation cf the address came from the New York Tribune, which had ever been unspm-mg of its criiicism of tho President. ‘

It was the spirit cl‘ this para- ' graph that persuaded liberals in the Entente countries i-o regard Presi- dent Wilson as the apostle of the

nations to hail him as there cham- pion. It was this some spirit that compelled the Germans t/o ash whether they might not better sc- cept the guarantees of security of- fered by Wilson than continua the devastlng struggle. In the end i' was to Wilson that the Germs: government fumed offering to nlﬂki peace. and it was upon the clzvino understanding that his priziczj-lo would prevail that they laid down __ their arms. ~ To those who felt thus, the em -. phalis that Wilson ‘laid upon ‘a general aboeiation of nﬂions.’ i! his speech the Foutreéii Point: gain-‘nteed the leadership for whlcl they were waiting. The , sch point ed uieway town-in the great poaitivi achievement of the Paris Peace Con. ia-eiieuseesuo ‘ill/it than ‘undid. it eOeneva a tablet thul insei-ibedfi lamerncirl de Wood row Wilson

rondatrur de la sccieiene Natiooai T0 II CONTINUE

imp-l

. yo; ~ 41>”-