H.\SZAitD’S

G A Z t«)’I"l‘lo', JULY 5.

PEACE 03. WAR BITWEEI GREAT BRITAIN AID AIEBIOAY

(From Wiflner-'3 European Times.)

‘The Liverpool Financial Reform Asso- _ciotion has done the State some service in _its day by the publication of its able treat- ises on various subjects of domestic policy. By the diffusion of sound and enlightened principles on questions of political and es- pecially of financial economy, it has reniov- ed ignorance and assiinged or nnniliiliited popular prejudice. The object of the As- sociation, ns its title implies, has been chief'- ly confined to matters of iiitci-nnl aduiiiiis- trntion, and it hasi-art-ly travelled out of the record prescribed by its rules. There are occasions, however, on which a body organized for one specific purpose may be-, neficiully apply its influence to another ;l and the complication of our existing rela-f tions with the United States would seem to justify its special interposition. The pres- ent “ difficulty" hctwcen ldnglnnd and A- merica presoiits to the world the strange spectacle. of two great nations united by the tics ofkindrrd, of’ l‘l'l('ll(l.-Illlp, and of iii- terest, brought to the verge nfa fraternal or parricidal war by the incapacity, the pride, or the treacliery of llIt‘il' rulers. 'l'rciison has been too vulgarly limited to the act of rebellion by ii subject against his Sovereign; but, as it is an acknowledged imixim in law that property has its duties as well as its privileges, anal that the principle of mutu- ality is an essential ingredient in every COIII‘ pact, it follows as ll logical deduction that it is quite as possible for the Sovereign to be guilty oftreason against the Sovereign If‘, then.-t'oi~c, the Britisli .\linistry or the ;\lllt:- rican Uiovcrninent, or both, should precipi- tatethe two countries into an intcrnccinc war, unless under the piessing necessity of securing the iiational safety or vintlicnting the muionnl honour, they are guilty of be- traying the interests of their constituents, and consequently of treason agaiiist the Republic at lai-ge——wlicther that Republic be democratic or inonnrchiciil. Iven the fault of incapacity would subject them to impeachment, because, in n statesman, incapacity is tl crime.

In commercial and industrial coiintries like England and America, the commercial and industrial classes are, or ought to be, a poteiitinl estate of the renlin. Yet it is u.~. tonishing to see with what cool indifference these great classes stand aside and see their inaterial interests tossed about like a shut- tlecock by the aristocracy ofthe one coun- try and the " fierce democracy ” of the other. They know very well that, if war ensues, they must provide the sinews and the blood. To adopt a vulgar phrase, they must “ pay the piper.” \Vhy, then, do they not, by an effective renionstrance, at once extinguish such an anomaly? We all admit the maxim of the moralist-

War in It game which, were the subjects wise. Kings would not play at,-

nor Presidents either. And yet, with the‘ sagacity of the ostrich. which thrusts its hciid into a bush and thinks it is not seen, we dream idly on until the pinch comes, and allow Kings and Presidents to play a game at fives with our fortunes and our lives. War, like murder, is “ most foul, no in the best it is: but this most foul,strange, and unnatural.” Contentment may be preached as a virtue in slaves, whose_efi'orts for freedom would but rivet their chains ; but the apathy of free citizens to their own country's rights implies a de radation.of which slaves might be iishatne . A nation which boasts of universal suffrage and the ballot, and yet allows itself to be driven like sheep to the slaughter or oxen to the poll, will suffer and deserve the fate of here- ditsry hondsmen." _ _

The lddresa which we subjom pI'0¢90dD from the Council of the Liverpool Finan- cial Reform Association, and bears the ;' nature of the President, Mr. Robertson G adstone, the brother of the distinguished statesman who boasts the some iitronymic. 1. jg ccpiched in terms so orciblc and convincing, and yet in a tone so _temperate and conciliatory that it cannot fail to have" very great weight with every rational and

covers. ment, " describes Satan as spreading deso- lation wherever he turned his eye, Quot- ing from memory, we think he says-

Fierce and unfathomable thoughts engraved

Eternal wnitli on his iininortal face,

And where In gazed u gloom prrrudcvi space. The aspect of war is equally horrid- equally desnlating, not only in its actual reality, but in its very aprehension. In publishing, tlicrcfore, the following earnest appeal which is specially addressed to the citizens ofthc United Statics, and was writ- ten for that purpose cxpI'cs.~'ly for the col-

nnis of the Eitropcaii Times, we would our- selves appeal to our own cnnteinporaiues oftho press on the other side of the Atlan-

|tic—-to all oftliein who are engaged in the linterests of order, peace, prosperity, and

patriotism to give it the benefit of the wid- cst circulation by transferring it to their own columns. The selfsame agency which avei-ts the ruin and calamities of war will pari passu, promote the progress ofwealth, civilization, e ce,—nnd above all, re- ligion—-which is happiness.

TO THE CODIMERCIAI. AND lNl)U:l'l'RlAl. CLAS- SES 05‘ THE UNITED STATES OI" AMERICA.

I-‘tun.-ms .i.\'n liiiirriirti-:N,—In the present criti- cal position of our international relations, we, the (‘OUNCIL of the Ll\’I:ltl‘00L FiNAsci.iL Rizroaii Associiriox deem it our duty to address to you ii. few words of friendly remonstrunce, in the hope that our doing so may be the initiation of such an expression of the national determina- tion. on both sides of the Atlantic, as will serve to convince those to whom we have respectively depnted the management of our aitlhirs, that, whatever they may wish or pro- pose, they cannot, and they shul not transform the people of two nations so closely united as yours and ours into deadly and unrelenting enemies. We take up this question on higher grounds than are afforded by financial or mer- cantile considerations only, though their im- portance can hardly be over-rated ; and we believe that the sentiments we are about to express are those entertained by our fellow- countrymen of the commercial and industrial classes, almost without exception. May they )c rc-echoed in the same spirit.

There is ruiuour of war between us ! For It long time past your diplomatists and ours have been correspondin , with more or less of acri- mon and superciliousncss on either side. We confess frankly that, hitherto, we have paid no attention, or very little to their disputes. 0 not attribute this apparent ne lect to indiffe- rence. It has arisen partly mm is sort of foregone conclusion that, whatever they might say or do. a quarrel between you and us, to be hrou ht to the mortal arbitrament of arias. was, in the nature of things, all butimpossible; and partly from the fact that our system of diplomacy, aristocratic both in its instruments an‘. objects, is secret in its operations. The than-y of our rulers is that the making of treaties, whether these relate to peace or war, is a branch ofthe royal prerogative, with which we (the people) lmve no concern beyond lind- ing the means for their observance,—not even the right to know what is doing until all is done, and we are irrevocably bound by their stipulations. We aim at the reversal or modi- fication of this very slavish theory, and hope to accomplish it by and by. In t e meanwhile, permit us to observe, t at you also have been quiescent, without the some excuse for your supireness; for your diplomacyis open; your executive can do nothing definitive without the sanction of‘ the le isliitivo branch of‘ your con- stitution, of which on have the appointment f‘ar more efiectively t an we of ours. Whence is it, then, if you do really diva prove of the acts of your Ministers, as we are ed to believe you do, that there has been no public manifes- tation of your disapprove I

The causes of our nativity up to the present period have been indicated: for ours we can only account on the supposition t at you, with us, have believed it all but impossible that dip- oinatic warfare should terminate in actual hostilities. As to the merits of the questions at issue we shell, of course, differ; but you must agree with us that, whatever he the pre- trxts, is war between Great Britain and Ann- ricn would cast into the shade of inoignificando all the scenes of came that have disgraced and cursed the world since the son of the first man slew his brother Abel. Standing appo- rently on the verge of such a deadly check to human -rogrels and civilization, it surnl be- comes in people of both countries, as rational beings, to ask themselves seriously for wlint it is they are about to fight, and whether there is any necessity for fighting at all. Aggressive war may be the ultimo ratio of kings; but for the rest of mankind, it is, generally speaking,

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right-thinking man who gives it a perusal. Its objects is to avert the war by which we have lately been threatened, and the ver

shadow of which, even should it pass harm- lcgg by, casts a gloom over all that it]

7. ..,

the perfection ofhumiin 0 Connected with you by iiflinitics ofracc, lan- unge,institutions, and religion, as well as by

common interests, we have no feelings towards 1

you but those of friendship, no wishes but for ‘

yourprospority, no desire but that the immense « . l ‘

Byron, in the “ Vision of Judg-ttcapabilities of your country may be developed

to the fullest ossiblo extent. In all this, we claim no on it for disinterestednoss, since with your welfare our own is closely involved; you cannot prosper without our deriving most substantial advantages from your progress; nor can you stiller a. check to your well-being which will not re-not most strong! upon our own. All that is true of material lgritish inte- rests as regards America is equally true of American interests as regards Urea: Britain. Are we wrong in assuming that the feelings of the coniiuercial and industrial classes of this countr towards America are those which uni- mute mericuns of the some classes towards Great Britain?

If there be indeed this bond of friendship and mutual interest between us, for what is it that our respective rulers, no matter which are right or wrong, would have us quarrel! Is it to vindicate any great principle, to enforce any right. 01' to avenge any wrougl Nothing of the kind. The mother of mischief, says the proverb, is no bigger than a inidge's wing; and, verily, the origin of the misunderstanding which threatens such tremendous consequences would seem to be of no larger dimensions. It rests on two rounds. the Enlistment question, and the tlcltllfi meaning ofn treaty concluded between our respective Governments. Of these it is diflieult to say which, comparing both witl the mighty results that may proceed from their. is most insignificant.

As to the tirst, the people of this country da- approvcd from the first of the (loverninent yro- ject for raising reinforcements for the Criniean war either in America or in Europe, and it was only forced on Parliiiincnt by the threat of Illi- nisterial resignation. lt was and is the uni- versal conviction, that, with the some induce- ments that were olfcred to foreigners. it: much less expense, and without danger of c.nbroil- ment with friendly nations, any number of British recruits that might be rcquircd would have been forthcoming. We must say, how- ever, that for what our Government proposed to do in America they seem to have had the. implied if not the express sanction of yours.‘ What else is to be inferred from your Mini-t fiter's observation, that the Anicrit-an (iovrrn-l inent would enforce the strictest ul)st*l'l"-IIICU of. the neutrality laws in its own territory, but} that there was notlnng to prevent any .-\ineri-; can citizen or resident from leaving the States- and enlisting elsewhere in any foreign st-rvice,t if‘ it pleased him so to do? On this liint,nrrange-‘. nicnts, supposed to be perfectly conipatibloi with your laws, seem to have been made ; but tllese were abandoned, before it single man had been enlisted, on grounds which common sense ought to have suggested to our Minister,-in tlie first instance, as conclusive against the making of any such experiment. ’lliey have since, however, formally and solemnly dis- cliiiuied all intention to infringe your laws; they have expressed their rcgrct,.it' any such infringement has occurred; they have tendered what is here considered an apology for all that may have been done amiss, either by themselves or their agents: but they have refused to sub- mit to the degradation of branding with recall and dis ace the principal of these agents, be- cause t ey say they believe him to be uiltless of any offence. Your Government has dismissed or are about to dismiss Mr. Cram tun ; should ours lack the mngnanimity of re raining from reprisals, and dismiss Mr. Dallas, you will no longer have a minister at London nor we at Washington; but the temporary cessation of diplomatic relations between our respective Governments need not bring with it any inter- ruption of friendly intercourse between you and us. Ve can manage our atfairs quite as well without us with them; and, in any event, this is no question for us to go to war about. Our second supposed mind of quarrel seems to as equally irrational with the tint. There ' illbrence as to the interpretation of a treat . Our negotiator rays, that he meant one t ing.-—yoiirs, that he meant another; our two Governments are at iuuuis to the meaning of both, and the true construction of their united handiwork, which, nevertheless, is than in black and white and to speak for itself. Our Government has oferod to submit the whole neation to any arbitrator whom‘ yours shall so cot, and to abide by his decision. what; ever that no be. As between inns and man nothing can fairer than such a pro aitioii: why not, then, as between nation on notion! Your ministers refuse to act upon it. ' ‘ y any that their own construction in the only true ohe,-that there cannot be two opinions on the matter, and conaiiquentl , that tlioveio nothing whereon to arbitmto. at, being so oonldcnt, why re'ect a reference! lfthoy be right, the the too of the arbitrator will henll the li hter, the delay in an amicable settlement at the less. but when there are notoriousl two opi- nions on the subject which is aai to admit onl ofonc, the party standing so cbstinetely on its own as to refuse to submit them to an umpire ofita own selection would seem to be manifestly and consciously in the wrong. Such,

at least, would he the conclusion in any dispute between individuals, and the same reasoning holds no to a dispute between nations.

Again we ask you, in all oolemnity, is there

or in both of them put :05“), ,, ioh uhoutd set us to destroying each olhqz'4§ , caning each others throats, and /deity, all that in us has for the utter deetrudion of ‘cg ,,u,,,,.v, name and nation! Recon, 'uItic\ common .°n'°v humnfllb , R.elir°'3» “fl IHIWV loudly Ind emphutical y, “ N-" We are told b or Prince Consort, ‘

the late war, thy“: that war had raj:-2:2? tative institutions“ ‘hell mil. and that it might be round pcossary to diminish our pm. sent freedom ;,,.u of speech and ublicntion. This was [ha ,. tious objection c on indivi. dual whom "i once amongst: us seems not yet to have eragtcatcd the despotic leanings con- tracted by /is continental birth and breeding; but if mu-Jetween the only two great countries in tho wold which have representative institu- tions, foinded on the sovereignty of the people, is to rault from such causes as those which we ha'° examined. most truly may it be said, not got such institutions are upon their trial, buitlint they have been tried, and are con- devned. How utterly worthless must they be jf/hfl squabbles of de uted niinivters, having merely personal ends olltheir own to serve, can milieu to set two friendly nations in it

anything in this second ground oi difference,‘

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JP osition to each other ! How gladly will mi up icldcrs_of thc despotic principle look on and laugh, whilst the two great ohnnipions of hu- man freedom and human progress are engaged in an internccinc. ii fratricidiil, and ii suicidal struggle, which, in wlintever wnyit terminates must be mutually exhaustive, and is sure to end at last in some paltry compromise, and the shedding of oceans of blood!

'l'c protest against so dirc ll calamity to you, to ourselves. and to the whole human race. is the object of this address. We may say, clear to prevent its occnrrrcncc; for we feel assured that ifyou, the commercial and industrial clus- scs of America, are actuated towards us by the same feelings as those which animate the peo- plc of this country with regard to you, we shall not enter upon this course of mutual de- struction. Ouvi-ulcrs iind yours may hluster as they please, but with the vote of their con- stituents on any proceeding to extrcmetics, war between us is impossible.

By order of the Council, ltt)ltl£R'l‘SON Gl.Al)S'l'0Nl}, lii\'ci'[‘-o0l,JlIiio ‘J, 1850. l’m:sin|.'1v1'. PEACE \\"l'l‘ll AMERICA.

As we last W('(‘l( vciitnrcd to predict would be the case, the British Govcrniiictit has not thought fit to imitate the uucourt- cons, if not unfriendly, conduct of the Ciihinct of Wasliingion. Mr. Ci-ampton and the three British Consuls have been disniissed—somewhnt ignominiously,but Mr. Dallas is to remain at the Court of St. Jamcs’s. Public opinion will approve the wise forbearance ofthe Briti.-It Government This country is too Slrmig—hu5 too splen-

id in fleet-—too ellicicnt an army—tco patriotic a people—-and too capacious a treasui-y—to be ’supected of unworthy deference to the United States or any other Power in either hemisphere. There is no risk, that her generosity will he misunder- stood, or that her patience will be attributed to pusillanimity. he American people know her mettle, as they know their own, and will not suffer Mr. Pierce and his inor- ibund Administration to provoke a war that would inflict iucalcnlble injury upon both nations, and stain) indelible disgrace upon the one that ahou d unneccssarly com- Inence it.

Reckless as Mr. Pierce has hitherto shown himself, it is notlikely, that he do- sires to push niatters to the ‘last extremity. He has runabout with his torch at the edge of the powder-inagnninc to show his daring,-and to win the applause of such "barren spectators" as haven relish for Iuch feats, but he would probably regret as much as any man in America or England if an explosion were to result. He has already evinced a disposition to withdraw from the perilous contiguity of combustible material, and has accompanied the dis- missal of Mr. Crnmpton and the three Consuls by the ex oi-ition of the rea_son,a,9n wllich he grounde the iict;—rensnns which will go far to satisfy the English public that their interests will not suffer by the transference of Mr. Cranipton to some other sphere of usefulness. The Enlist- ment question, that at one time threatened to be so cxaspernting, is virtually at an

end. It has expired with Mr. Cnmpton'I mission, and the world will hear no more of’ r. Crampton and the Consuls

have been sacrificed to its ‘moms, and, if the United States are satisfied, Grgcat Bri- tain is well content.