' after the heavy expenditure required by the public service

at): ctr-Innis! morals.

UNITED STATES. VETO MESSAGE!

To' the Home of Re entatiocs of the United States.

It is with unfeignemgret that I find myself under the necessity of returning to the House of Representatives, with my objections, a Bill entitled “An Act toprovide re- Venue from imports, and to change and modify extsting laWs imposing duties on imports, and for other purposes.” Nothing can he more painful to any iiidiVidual called. upon to perform the chief Executive duties under our limited Constitution, than to be constrained to withhold his assent from an important measure adopted by the Legislature ; yet he would neither fulfil the high purposes of his station, nor consult the true interests, or the solenm will of the People, the common constituents of both branches ofthe Govern- ment, by yielding his We" considered, most deeply fixed, and repeatedly declared opinions, on matters of great pub- Iic concernment, to those of a co—Ordinate Department, Wuh- om requesting that Department seriously to re-examine the luh'ect of their difference. . _

l he exercise of some independence of judgment in re- gard to all acts of legislation is plainly Implied in the res— ponsibility of approving them. At. all tunes 8. duty—1t be- comes a peculiarly solemn and imperative one, when the subjects passed upon by Congress happen tiritivolve, as m the present instance, the most momentous issues, to affect variously the various parts of a great country, and to have given rise in all quarters to such a conflict of opinion, as to render it impossible to conjecture, with any certainty, on which side the majority really is. Surely, if the pause. for reflection, intended by the wise authors of the constitution, by referring the subject back to Congress for re-conSidera- tion, be ever expedient and necessary, it is precisely such a case as the present.

0n the subject of distributing the proceedsiof the sales of the public lands, in the existing state of the finances, it has been my duty to make known my settled convictions on va— rious occasions during the present Sessmn of Congress. At the opening of the extra session, upwards of twelve months ago, sharing fully in the general hope of returning

rosperity and credit, I recommended such a distribution; but that recommendation was even then expressly coupled with the condition that the duties on imports should not ex- ceed the rate of20 per cent. provided by the compromise act of 1833. :

These hopes were not a little encouraged and these Views strengthened by the report of'Mr. Ewing, then Secretary of the Treasury, which was shortly thereafter laid before Con-

ss, in which he recommended the imposition of duties at thg, rate of 20 per cent. ad-valorem on all fi'ee articles, with ‘ipecificd exceptions, and stated, “if'this measure be adopted, there will he received in the Treasury from cus- toms, in the last quarter ofthe present year, (184” $5,300,- 000; in all of the year 1842, about $22,500,000; and in the year 1843, alter the final reduction under the act of March 2, 1833, about $20,000,000;” and adds, “it is believed that

in the present year shall have been provided for, the reve- nue which will accrue from that or a nearly proximate rate ofduty will be sufficient to defray the expenses ofthe Go- vernment, and leave a surplus to be annually applied to the gradual pa ment of the national debt, leaving the proceeds nghe pub it lands to be disposed of as Congress shall see

I.

I was most'happy that Congress, at the time, seemed en- tirely to concur in the recommendations of the Executive, and, anticipating the correctness of the Secretary’s conclu- sions, and in view ofan actual surplus, passed the distribu- tion act of the 4th September last, wisely limiting its ope- ration by two conditions, having reference, both oftheiu, to a possible state ofthe Treasury different fi'om that which had been anticipated by the Secretary ofthe Treasury, and to the paramount necessities ofthe public service.

If ordained, that “if at any time during the existence of that act, there should be an imposition ofduties on the ini— plpsts inconsistent with the provision ofthe act ofthe 2nd

arch, 1833, and beyond the rate of duties fixed by that act, to wit, 20 per cent. on the value ofsuch iin’ports, or any of them‘, then the distribution should be suspended, and should continue so suspended until that cause should be re- moved.” By a previous clause it had, in a like spirit of wise and cautious patriotism, provided for another case in which all are even now agreed, that the proceeds of sales ofthe

ublic lands should be used for the defence ofthe country. t was enacted that the act should continue and be in force until otherwise provided by law, unless the United States should become involved in war with any foreign power, in which event, from the commencement of hostilities, the not should be suspended until the cessation of hostilities.

Not long after the opening ofthe presen’t session of Con- gress, the unprecedented and extraordinary difficulties that

ave recently embarrassed the finances ofthe country began to assume a serious aspect. It soon became quite evident that the hopes under which the act of4th September was passed, and which alone justified it in the eyes either of (Jon ress who imposed, or of the Executive who approved the rst of the two conditionsjust cited, were not destined to be fulfilled. Under the pressure, therefore, ofthe embar- rassinents which had thus unexpectedly arisen, it appeared to me that the course to be pursued had been clearly mark-

ed out for the Government by that act itsele

. The condition contemplated in it, as requiring a suspen-

_sion ofits operation, had occurred. It became necessary, m the opinion of all, to raise the rate of duties upon imports above20 per cent, and with a view both to prOVide availa- ble_mea_ns to meet presentexigencies, and to lay the foun- dation for a successful negotiation ofa loan, I felt it incum- bent upon me to .urge upon Congress to raise the duties accordingly, imposmg them in the spirit ofa wise discrimina- tion, for the two fold object of affording ample revenue for the Government, and incidental protection to the various branches of domestic industry.

I also pressed, in the most emphatic but respectful lan- guage I ‘could employ, the necessity of making the land sales available to the Treasury as the basis of public credit. 1 did not think that I could stand excused, much less justi- fied, before the people of the United States, nor could I re- concile it to myself to recommend the imposition of addi- tional taxes upon them, without, at the same time, urging the employment ofull the legitimate means of the Govern- ment toward satisfying its wants.

These opinions were communicated in advance of any do- finitive action ol Congress on the subject either of the tariff or land-sales, under a high sense of public duty, and in com- pliance With .an express injunction ofthe constitution—so that ifa collision, extremely to be deprecated as such colli- sions always are, has seemingly arisen between the Execu- tive and Legislative branches of the government, it has as- suredly not been owing-to any capricious interference, or to :‘glymvzznt of a plain and fi'unk declaration, on the part of the

. Congress differed in its views With those ofthe Execu- ti_vs, as it_had undoubtedly a right to do, and passed a bill Virtually for a time repealing the proviso of the act ofthe 4th september, 1841. The bill was returned to the House in which it originated, with my objections to its becomiuw alaw. With a view to prevent, if possible, an open disab. greement of opinion on a point so important, I took occa- sion .to declare that I regarded it as an indispensable pre- reqmsite to an increase of duties above 20 per cent., that the act of the 4th September should remain uiirepealed in its provisions. My reasons for that opinion were elaborate- ly set forth in the message which accompanied the return of the bill~which no constitutional majority appears to haye been found for passing into a law.

I‘he bill which is now before me proposes, in its 27th section, the total repeal ofone of the provisos in the act of September, and while it increases the duties above 20 per cent, directs an unconditional distribution of the land pro- ceeds. I am therefore subjected a second time, in the pe- riod of a few days, to the necessity of either giving my ap- prong to a measure which, in my deliberate judgment, is in conflict Withgreat public interests, or Ofreturning it to the House in which it originated, With my objections. With all

.59 at the sacrifice of the peace and harmony of the country,

an exhausted Treasury, and furnish a sound and healthy en- couragement to mechanical industry, I cannot consent to do

and the clearest convictions of public duty. . For some of the reasons which have brought me to this conclusion, I refer to my previous Messages to Congress, and briefly subjoin the followmgz— ' I

I. The bill unites two subjects, which so for from_hav1n.g any aflinity to one another, are wholly incongruous in their character. It is both a revenue and an appropriation bill. It thus imposes on the Executive, in the first place, the ne- cessity ofeither approving that which .he would reject, or rejecting that which he might otherWIse approve. This is a species of constraint to which the judgmentofthe Execu- tive ought not, in my opinion, to be subjected. ' -

But that is not my only objection to the act in its present form. The union of subjects wholly diSSImilar in their character in the same bill, if it grew into a practice, would not fail to lead to consequences destructive of all wise and conscientious legislation.—Various measures, each agreea- ble only to a small minority, might, by being thus united, and the more the greater chance of success, lead to the pas— sing oflaws, of which no single provision could, if standing alone, command a majority in its favour.

2. While the Treasury is in a state ofextreme embar- rassment, requiring every dollar which it can make ayaila- ble, and when the Government has not only to lay addition- altnxes, but to borrow money to meet picssiug demands, the hill proposes to give away a fruitful source of revenue—— which is the same thing as raising money by loan and taxa- tion—not to meet the wants ofthe Government, but for dis- tribution, a proceeding which I must regard as highly im- politic, if not unconstitutional. _

A brief review of the present condition ofthe public fi- nances will serve to illustrate the true condition of the Treasury, and exhibit its actual necessities—On the 5th of August (Friday last,) there was in the Treasury, rIl'i round

nu in hers, . . $2,150,000 Necessary to be retained, to meet trust funds, . $360,000 Interest on public debt, due in OC- tober, . . 80,000 To redeem Treasury notes and pay the interest, . 100,000 Land distribution under the act of the 4th September, 1841, 640,000 $1,180,000 Leaving an available amount of . $970,000

The Navy Department had drawn requisitions on the Treasury, at that time, to meet debts actually due, among which are hills under protest for $1,414,000, thus leaving an actual deficit of $444,000.

There was on hand about $100,000 of unissued Treasury notes, assisted by the accruing revenue, amounting to about $150,000 per week, exclusive of receipts on unpaid bonds, to meet requisitions for the army, and the demands of the civil list.

The withdrawal of the sum of $640,000, to be distributed among the states, so soon as the statements and accounts can be made up and completed, by virtue ofthe provisions ofthe act of the 4th September last, of which nearly a moiety goes to a few states, and only about $383,000 is to be divided among all the states, while it adds materially to the eiiibarrassments of the Treasury, affords to the states no decided relief:

NO immediate relief from this state of things is anticipa- ted, unless, what would most deeply be deplored, the Go- vernment could be reconciled to the negotiation of loans already authorized by law, at a rate of discouut ruinous in itself, and calculated most seriously to affect the public cre- dit. So great is the depression of trade, that even if the pi'eseiit‘bill were to become a law, and prove to be produc- tive, some time would elapse before sufficient supplies would flow into the Treasury, while, in the mean time, its embarrassments would be continually augmented by the semi-annual distribution of the land proceeds.

Indeed, there is but too much ground to apprehend that even if’this bill were permitted to become a law, alienating as it does the proceeds ofthe land sales, an actual deficit in the Treasury would occur, which would more than probany involve the necessity of a resort to direct taxa- tion.

Let it be also remarked, that $5,500,000 of the public debt becomes redeemable in about two years and a halfi which, at any sacrifice, must be met, while the Treasury is always liable to demands for payment ofoutstaiiding Tren- sury notes: Such is the gloomy picture which our finan- cial Department now presents, and which calls for the exer- cise ofa rigid economy in the public expenditures, and the rendering available of all the means within the control of the Government.

I most respectfully submit whether this is n time to give away the proceeds ofthe land sales, when the public lands constitute a fund which, ofall others, may be made most useful in sustaining the public credit. Can the government be generous and inunificent to others, when every dollar it can command is necessary to support its own wants? 'And if Congress Would not hesitate to stiffer the provisions of the act of4th September last to remain unrepeulcd, in case the country was involved in war, is not the necessity for fpeh a course now just as imperative as it would be

en. *7

3. A third objection remains to be urged, which would be sufficient in itselfto induce me to return the bill to the House with my objections. But uniting two subjects, so in- congruous as tariff and distribution, it inevitably makes the fate ofthe oue dependent upon that ofthe other in future contests of parties. Can any thing be more fatal to the merchant or manufacturer than such an alliance? What they most of all require is a system ofinoderate duties so arranged as to withdraw the tariff question, as far as polssi- ble, completely from the arena of political contention. Their chief want is permanency and stability.

Such an increase of the tariff I believe to be necess order to meet the economical expenditures of Gover such an increase, made in the spirit of moderation and ju- dicious discrimination, would, I have no doubt be entirely satisfactory to the great majority ofthe American people In the way of accomplishing a measure so salutary and so imperativer demanded by every public interest the Legis- lative Department will meet with a cordial co-dperation on the part ofthe Executive. This is all that the manufacturer can desn'e, and it would be a burden readily borne by the people. But cannot too earnestly repeat, that in order to be beneficial, it must be permanent, and in order to be per- manent, it must command general acquiescence.

But can such permanency bejiistly hoped for ifthe'l‘ariff question be coupled with that of Distribution, as to which a serious conflict of opinion exists among the states and the people, which enlists in its support a bore maioritv ifneed- ed there he a majority, of the two Houses .of Congress? What permanency or stability can attach to a measure which, warring upon itself, gives away a fruitful source of revenue at the moment it proposes a large increase oftaxes on the people? Is the manufacturer prepared to stake him- selfand his interests upon such an issue?

1 know that it is urged, but most erroneously nion, that instability is just as apt to be produced ing the public lands as a source of revenue as other cause, and this is ascribed to a constantfl as it is said, in the amount of sales. thing in this objection, it equally applies to of duties on imports. The amount of reve rived from'duties is constantly liable to ch lations of foreign governments, the varying productiveuess ofotlier countries, periods of excttement to trade and a great variety of other circumstances, are constantly,arisin to affect the state of commerce, foreign and domestic antgl of consequence the revenue levied upon it. ’

The sales of the publicdomain in ordinary times are re- gulated by fixed laws, which have their bum in a demand increasing only in the ratio ofthe increase of population. In recurring to.the statistics connected with this subject it will be perceived that for a period often years preceding

ary in nment.

in my opi- by retain- from any uctuation, Ifthere were any every imposition niie annually de- ange. The regu-

my anxiety for the passage ofa law which would replenish

.5,“

For the increase which_took place in l834—5 and Shite are to look to that peculiar condition of the countryems in grew out of one of the most extraordinary exgngentihe his‘ business and speculation that have ever occurre .in f wild tory of commerce and currency. 1t wasIthe fruit 0 (2)1 cre‘ spirit of'adventure, engendered by a Visions systtini) "in" dits, under the evils of which the country IS still a 0i 5, and which it is fondly hoped Will not soon recur. b ri‘ Considering the vast amount of investments made yhp 9 vote individuals in the public lands, during those. Itaen years, and which equalled $43,000,000, equal to mfoitf ‘2“ 20 years’ purchase, taking the average of sales 0 ieIt of preceding years, it may be safely asserted that the Nils“ the public land sales can hold out nothing to alarm t e mad nufacturer with the idea ofiq'stlabigty III the “govenues, an

s in the course 0 tie overnme . cosmetileliflilvthiit appears to me, therefore, the soundest con} sideration of public policy, and in View of the interestsoh every brunch ofil0inestic industry, 1 return you the bill Wit these my objections to its becoming a law. . . ‘ I take occasion emphatically to repeat my anxious desiie to cO-operate with Congress in the passmg ofa law which, while it shall assist in supplying the wants of the Treasuly, and re-establish public credit, shall afford to the manufac- turing interests of the country all the meidental protection

- re tiire. . thtgfteiflall, the effect of what I'do is substantially to call on Congress to reconsider the subject. If, on such reconsi- deratiou, a majority of two-thirds of both houses should. be in favour of this measure, it will become a law, nOtWitli-

tandinc in ob'ections.

s In a gaseyofcllear and manifest error on the _part of the President, the presui‘nption of the Constitution is, that such majorities will be found. Should they be so found in this case, having Conscientiously discharged my own duty, 1 shall cheerfully" acquiesce in the result.

JOHN TYLEn. Washington, August 9th, 1842.

Washington, Tuesday, August 9, 1842. Nothing Ofimportance was done in the House this morn- ing, before the veto was presented. After the journal was read, Cost Johnson called up the following memorial, which he presented yesterday: To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : . The subscribers, citizens of the United States, and reSi- dent in the State of Pennsylvania, by this their memorial, respectfully representz—That although our nation is in full possession of health, peace, and abundant harvests, we are far fi‘om the enjoyment ofthat happiness which is the pro- per object ofcnlightened legislation. Our present distress arises from the nonfulfilment of contracts; extending fi-om those ofsome of our most important sovereign States down

The building was crowded to its , tentive congregation, anxtous to _show citizens with the French pOOpIe in the

whose life and reign so much w“ to h. ,

r —__. ,

RESOLUTIONS adopted by the ladies

day last :—- 7 1 Whereas the men and women «we ’ an opportunity of assembling III that Sm.” other purposes, but are. prevented by H, ,

compelled to withdrawinto a fore! ju ' . Resolved,——That havmg selects the 3pm ed to freedom by Roger Williams, the I , religious liberty, we deem It our duty“; 9 to Almighty God that there still exists a enjoy that freedom ofthought and ong to us in our own State. » Resolved,———-That the act of the Charter Island, calling a convention for the electio. draft a constitution, is unjust and unequal,

recommend to our fathers, our husbands, . throughout that State, by every conslde and expediency, to refrain from any I. election Of delegates, to be bolden there on , ofthe present month, under the authority government—and inasmuch_as that govern exclusive control in originating that u. > the sole honor of carrying its unjust prv Resolved,——That we have confidence in v Dorr, the rightful and constitutional Go Island; and that as all his acts have been (1' , love of country and its free institutions, , and welfare of his native State, we firnil a . shall yet have the pleasureof bebolding State, and dispensing the laws thereof; u . stitution, in accordance with the Decl ,i. Independence; and, further, _ Resolved,—-—That Thomas Wilson Dorr, . Governor othode Island, cannot Iawf the hands ofany American Governor, by W. King. y Resolved,—That the people have an n alienable right to change, abolish, and i and that the Suffrage Party, in abolish' King Charles, and adopting the new r. sued a course Of action which is sancti . ’ Jefferson, and Roger Williams—and by 1 American Independence, the Constitu . States, and by the Bill of Rights of the States of the American Union. _ Resolved,——That the People’s Constitu