the Fenian. * oppressor and murderer’ of his brethren, the «* fell enemy of his faith."’ No doubt! this is exaggerated langoage, if not, indeed, untrue, bat it expresses a genuine feeling, | aod the question is how has this feeling ort- We cannot get over the difficulty ifs an ubaccoUnl- | abie being. general way, he dues not reason so logically as his Saxon bro ther. Perhaps he is impetuous and anrea soning, hot headed and warm hearted, faithful to the death where his affections are engaged ; be the ohjects ever se abserd or so Jittle worthy of his regard. Butof his abil ties to feel, think, rnd talk there cannot bea question, and it is not surprising that his faculties have been turned into such a current, and have taken such a course as we see de- veloped in the designs of the Fenian brotherhood. - We have viewed this qaestion solely in its moral aspect, and in no other is It worthy to be regarded. Those who know the prepara- tions whica are necestary for an invasion, and bave any idea of the power of this country for repelling one, can afford to smile at the pretentions of the Brotherhood, but they cannot afford to neglect that very potent lesson which their hatred teaches us Ae was well said by Mr. Cobden at Rochdale on Tuesday night,injustice, whether national or individual, reevils on the bead of the per- tator. The Arab proverb says that curses ike chickens, always come home to roost ; and injustice possesses the same character- istic. In may not be our immediate conduct which has occasioned the Irish exodus, but we are reaping the mischiels of it. We may have been destrous of doing the fullest justice to Ireland; but our fathers, as we cannot deny, did her a deep injustice; and the burden falls on our shoulders Our fathers have eaten sour grapes, and their children's teeth are set on edge. The long night ol Ireland's mourning may have passed away, but ber retief eame from America more than from England, and it is not surprising that the Femans torn to her with a kindly feeling, and turn from us in bitter loathing. The

ginated r ot saying that the Irishman Perhaps, in @

attributable connection with its intriusically | divine and regenerating priiciples,

Had either the reckless and erafty politicians, | or some of their still more inconsiderate supporters whe have now for some years past made such a pompous use of the name of this Hely Volusae, in order te compass their own seltish and secular ends, been truly influenced in their own spirits by

| trians,

rr

He sees in England only the) within its blessed covers, or any, even the slightest | the latter, while the Emperor of the Freneh

guards the former from bis friend and ally, in Whose interest he fought aud defeated the Aus- We behold the descendents of the onee

famous Greeks offering the throne of their coun-

jy to any foreigner who woutd accept it, and | substituting, after the uneasy Crown had been

* | . » . . o its humbleand tranquilizing philosophy, they never | refused by an English bey, a Danish child for the

in the first place would have daved to reduce it te |

the low level which as we have already read, by making ita matter of ordinary civil Legislation, they have new most assuredly done. This is,

therefore, one decided action in their past conduet |

for which we unhesitatingly tind fault with thei We maintain, on principle, that they erred ex ceedingly in thus taking the initiative in reduemg thir matter toa common par with all other simply local questions of a purely civil or legislative jeharacter. In taking this step, we charge thew | with the entire respeusibility of imangurating in

‘this country a fundamental impropriety which |

should never under any consideration have been permitted to vecur in the universal progress ol our political experience. They have thus opened a dewr which they may uever find themselves competent again te shut, and whatever may be the future complications which this same religious squabble may yet assume in this very Islaud, we ask them now te bear in mind the fact that they were the first to drag it officially as a corporate movement into the common list with all our other ordinary affairs of a were current or commercial unpertance. The Bible, we determinately per- sist, should never have been thus treated. [t has already God's own authority as its infinitely superhuman certificate. Man ean have no con- ceivable liberty to legislate on the word of his Maker. avow wy belie that the man who can deliberately conenr in subjecting the Bible in any sense o1

case whatever to the base criterion of such legis- |

lation, can have but precious little of anything

even approaching a proper reverence in his own |

mind tot either the bovk itself, in the first place,

or even in the second, for the great Being Himself, | whom he pretends te aceredit with its Authorship. |

Phere is something, at all events, every ope must

feel, both naturally aod exceedingly repuguant |

iu the concrete idew the vi. we are

The young king Edward informed, felt horror stricked

when requested to make use of the Bible as a) temporary pedestal fer what was in itself a were!y |

uidiilereut purpose. Lut these meu have net

Aud | care vot whe he is, but L houesily |

question of race ethnol igieally is no longer scrupled to make it a footstool—a stepping stege

of any value. ane mixed with the Anglo-Saxon. Her an- cient language is almost forgotten. Still there

The Celtic blood of Lreland is) to the attainment of purely secular, if not in fact, |

in some cases wholly selfish and sensual objecs. Lhey have dragged it through the mire of petty

stupid Bavarian. Turning te unhappy Poland, we witness a state of things which fairly transfers the idea of

“The sLooptest picture in the Book of Time”

from the Poland of whieh Campbell wrote to the Poland of to-day. The history of that laud of fair woinen and brave wen” has emphatically been written in blood; and the atrocities uow being inflicted on ils people cause the moral as-

peets of the Reign of ‘Terror in France to “ pale their ineffectual fires.”’ France suffered all the evils of the reaction of a loug misgoverned people, rising against a contiimuance of oppression, which had necessarily prepared the materials and laid the train ready tor the explosion when the fatal moment should arrive. Aud if the record of the events of those days causes the men of this gene- ration to blush for human nature, we must recol- lect that the tyrants and victims were alike French, and that the revolutionary party were taking vengeance for wrongs believed to have been caused by their opponents; and a bloody | revenge they did take—

ty When France get drunk with blood to vomit

crime.

But Poland groans under the iron heel of an alien | despot.

No Poles complain of, or fight against theis fellow countrymen They are all —- men, wowen and children — united in their hatred ot | the Barbarian and the hordes which he sends to desolate their country — to hang, and shoot, and scourge, aud banish, without trial or investiga- tion, the aged, the infirm, the watrons and the maidens, whose crime is, that they, or some of | their relatives, may bave dared to love their The perpetrators of these outrages | have not to plead in extenuation the mutual

country.

remains the influence of country and name, | pelilies, aud exposed it in the open glare of tae | acerbities which precede and cause one portion and it i worth the attention ot cur states- Werld’s face to all the degradation of local human | of a people to take up arms against another, for

men to determine if anything reasonable can be done to satisfy the clanos of both. Some one has said that the love of a dog is worth having, still more is the love of a peojzle worth acquiring. Lt is neither to our honor

legislation

By the tenor of these remarks it will at once be seen that ou this distinctive subject three of my inherent premises are, that the essential inquiry at stake is veither—whether the Bible in | itself be really a good book—whether as such it

in every uatieonal characteristic Poland is totally | different trom Russia. While yet the Tartar “hordes were shifting their tents to new pastures tor their flecks, Poland had s history of her own,

nor our benefit that people leave our shores) may be properly used in our Public Institutions of | aad her sons stood high in the civilization of by-

with hatred to us in their hearts.

to win their sympathy and regard. the Fenian Brotherhood, it is as well they

form of common lecal legislative investigation.

If we! Education—er, whether even its use in such a| gone centuries. — After the decision of Austria, cannot keep them with us, let us at least learn capacity ought to have been permitted in this or | As tor any other country to have assumed the irreverent |

France and Britain, not to intertere by material | aid, the viet of Russian brutality must endure

should know there is nu terror for us in their 0" cach ot these three separate points I am, tully | its sufferings as best it may, until it shall please

threats. {It is the sense of wrong under whieh they labor that we wouid fain alleviate, and every right-minded Englishman will coin- cide with us. We have no wish to be charg- ed with injustice by the huml.est of our countrymen. Probably we shail not see the

| satistied in my own mind, and in reference to the last, as well as either of the others, I bold the positive ground, that the entire controversy from beginning to end is one which should never have been introduced inte our public legislative economy at all. bkach of these specific premises con- sequently | mean fairly to establish in the course But should J

subsidence of the Fenian excitement for a/ of my progressive predelictions. generation or two, but we rely on the fair thus postiively succeed in making each of these in air of the American prairies to blow it away, | due order appear conclusively substantiable by as we rely upon the justice of the British adequate elucidation, it may here be anticipatively people te ‘regenerate Ireland with no other demanded by some—who the parties were whe

' wd first brought the question on the carpet of public noplements than wise laws an rotherly | discussion in the precise form thus deprecated / treatment.

I have already specitied who were the fipst to

| authority itselt. ‘Chey were in this country every | }man knews, none other than our present Tory | rulers. Ou this head, consequently, there dan be

CORRESPONDENCE, UR tame FUBLIC. (No. 4.)

* Justum ac tenaceam proponti viram, Non civiom ardor pruva jJabentiam, Nou valtas jnstantis tvrannii Monte quatit solida.’—Honar.

Ma. Eprror:

take any positive deliberative action upon ic as a! | constituent civil Government, legally convened, | | for the legitimate purposes of ordinary legislative duty in the land. ‘This, we aver, is nothing wore , | nor less than absolutely in itself the plain, bonest, | unalterable fact.

Stull, L aw aware that the apo- | jlagists for Tory

institutions throughout the | men, ander any circumstances, could perhaps) by endeavouring to throw the onus of it on other | select a better foundation on which to erect any | shoulders than their own. They still point back | favourite superstructure. The foviish usually to Bishop McDouald’s celebrated letter, as the | build apen the sand. Aod what renders the vast) primary, determinate, and instigative cause of the | balk of mortals se open to the accusation et the | whole course of procedure, and in fact, as the | worst of follies, is the mournful tact that they are | efficient solution of the entire difficulty. Now, I! ever tow prove to rear their various edifices,| have already distinctly enunciated the necessary | whether either ef a spiritual, moral or secial truth which lies fairly at the very threshold of all | character, on this worse than useless basis, m-| practical political economy itself, that no Govern. | stead ef on that indistructible rock of ages—the |) ment can in any country under the sun, ever be | truch of God itecif And iis, we lear, nvtwith-| held ercusable for taking am unconstitutional, or | standing all that has hitherto been writteu and said | i, auy respect an intrinsically wrong step, in their | on the subject, will be found to be the real choice | overt management of the common publie interests, | whiel: has alse bees made by our existing Tory | on the ground of any evidence whatever, which | consectation m this country. We de deeply re-) can or may be derived from any merely external gret, for their own eredit, that instead of having | souree—or outside pressure which may inany Way huomeligated the Bible in any « wmmensurate res-) be brought to bear upon it by the teuiporary cir | pect as av iotegral element of their public politi-| cumstauses or conduct of any separate class or | cal platierm, they have only been employing it all) section of the people. Much less then can they | the while as a grand subterfuge or screen to hide | hope for justification in any overt act to which from close inspection the coustitational rettenness | they admit theanselves to have been instigated, if

| the King of Kings to loosen the grasp of the | spoiler from its throat, and restore its sorely | vexed people to the right of being considered as j human beings, and of being treated as such.— | The old adage that charity begins at home has | received the sarcastic addition that it also fre- quently ends there; and the conduct of the Auto- lerat, who, by one stroke of his pen, manumitted

multitudes, innocent ef all complicity in, or even knowledge of the death of Mr. Richardson, whose fate has been minutely described in nearly all the papers; and it certaiuly seems the mere wanton- ness of superior Power to exact so terrible an atonement.

“Tis beautiful to have agiant’s strength— "Lis tyrannous to ase it us a giant.”

In happy contrast to those disturbed States, it is pleasing to contemplate the recuperative ener- gies put forth by British India in the comparatively short period which has elapsed since her cities and villages were reeking with the blood of the great Mutiny. Her tinaneial progress has displayed an elasticity which reflects the highest credit on the statesmen Who propounded the principles of the system, and have carried them into successful practice.—While the tillers of the soil are beeom- ing sensible of the benefits accruing to their class from the Government policy on the land question —(for that is the question in India, a8 in some other places less known to fame)—the landlords are contented, and the revenues are augmented,— The opening of hundreds of miles of railway, and the establishment of light draught steamers have co-operated with the stoppage of the supply of Cotton from the States te give an impetus to the growth of Cotton and production of Wool, which is already changing the aspect of every depart- ment of Lidian business. Within two or three years the supply of wool brought down from the Hill Country has increased from 2000 te 10,000 eamel loads, and this increase is owing to the extension of the Railway Systew into the interior ; aud no one doubts that the supply will increase in a steadily progressive ratio; and the demand for the article has been enhanced by the absorb- tion of nearly all the cotton of native growth for the requirements of English manufacturers,

This reminds us that iu virtue of our editorial ubiquity, we ean outstrip Ariel, and while the tricksy sprite required forty minutes in which to put a girdle round the world, we can be in Europe

He takes no interest in the welfare of the people. He makes no exertions tu improve their condition. In host cases he cordially hates and heartily despises them. He bears no considerable share of the public burdens. “He reaps where be has not sown, and gathers where he has not strewn.” Though be has fuiled to fulfill the conditions by which he holds his lands, and has been treated with the utmost leniency by the Linperal Government, yet he is generally an exacting creditor, demanding the uttermost farthing froin the toil-worn tenant. As he possesses power, respectability, wealth, aud intelligence, he has been able to furman important party in the Colony, This party exercises great influence over our local affairs. Whenever it cannot accomplish its ends here, such is its influ- ence in Downing Street that it commouly suc- ceeds in stifling any measure which is considered prejudicial to its interests.

The people, on the other hand, feel indignant at the manner in which they have been treated by the Home Government. They cannot see why this little Island bas been made a theatre for a puny landed aristocracy in which to play its fantasti: tricks. ‘They do nut see what sins they or their forefathers have committed that the curse of serfdom should be laid on them, and entailed on their posterity. They feel that the man who

pocket the rent.

| has spent the vigour of his life in felling the forest,

and in clearing the land, has the best right te the svil. ‘They do not see why the wistake, perhaps uniatentioually or heedlessly made in the first in- stance, should be so obstinately and unjustly persisted in. They cannot see why they are obliged ty bear their full share of the public burdens, while the proprietors hardly touch them with one of their fingers. They look upon themselves as forced to toil and sweat for those whe do nothing for them, and care nothing for them.

The question between landlord and tenant has been the questwn of this Island. ‘The landlords,

in ne tine. — The marriage ef the Prince ot Wales is an event which many persons may think should not be passed over in silence, in a review of the prominent occurrences of the year; and if any proof were wanting to show the firm hold that the throne and Royal Family have on the hearts of the British people, it would be found in the enthusiastic loyalty with which the arrival of the Bride elect and her union with the Prince was so universally hailed.

‘The misery attendant upon the Cotton Famine, 80 nobly and patiently borne by the operatives in the maaufacturing districts, and so liberally re- lieved by all classes of Her Majesty's subjects, is, we are happy to find, rapidly subsiding; and the

wealthy and intelligent, have been united — the people, discontented but poor and intelligent, have been disunited. The policy of the landlord party has been to keep power out of the hands ot the people as loug as possible, and when this could no lounger be done, sv to divide them that the power possessed by them should become in- operative. The policy of the people should have been to have remained firm and united, and, by continual agitationeaud uufliuching assertion ot their rights, to have wrested from the proprietors the power that they had so unjustly obtained, and so unrighteously exercised. The tenantry have not coustantly pursued this line of policy, and consequently have been defeated by their more prudent and sagacious opponents. The in-

supply of their staple, is giving steadily increasing employment to the industrious millions who depended upen it for their daily bread.—The supply of Cotton coming trom sources but recently, and, as yet, very partially developed, will, in all probability, exereise a most important

| influence on the fatdre condition of the world.

twenty millions of Russian serts, and immediately ' Although India aod other new fields of supply

| afterwards transferred their shackles to the ch

i- | would leave the planter of the Southera States a

| valrous Poles — affords a melancholy verification | tolerably wide margiu in his fever, in the items - > | submit it to the humiliating ordeal of mere human | of the saying.

of freight aud insurance in the English market,

Leaving this sad theme, we find all Germany | yet there is no doubt that the new Cotton fields

disturbed.

The more important States of the | be reow for argument. They were the first to | Germanic Confederation, as well asthe enenewetal

‘ i

will have a material influence on British exporta- tiou of the manufactured goods, as it will induce

petty Principalities—* Tray, Blanche, and Sweet-| the establishmeut of factories in the places of heart, little dogs and all’’—are growling and, production.

snarling in most admired discord.

despair of Constitutioual Goverument, so long asj|of successes and deteats, and a constanily Than the Bible, considered in itself, no party of| Provinee are in the habit of justifying this fact, | he shall vccupy the throne of his ancestors; and! ree

hot content with openly over-riding his obligations to his people, he has suggested to the latter the idea that a successor in every way acceptable is to be found in the person of the heir apparent— the husband of the Princess Royal of England. The Prince, influenced doubtlessly by his ex- perience of British institutions, bas openly expressed his disapproval of the conduct of his father’s Government. ‘This disapprobation was forced from him by the course adopted by the King towards him, and although communicated with moderation and filial respect, has, as might be expected, offended the modern asserter of

“ The right divine of Kings to govern wrong.”

We consider that a dignified declaration that

|

The King of | | Prussia seems bent upon driving his enn to | its slow length along with a Wearisome alteruation | render them blind to every evil but the imaginary favorable terus to the people when they find that | given by strangers whe took the moucy from the

vue—conjured up for the accasion—of Catholic | the possession of the lands is the surest passport) Colouy. Nay more, they were given by itinerant Having no political character on | te secial position end political power? Let the vagabouds from the Federal States—people whew which to base their claims for support and confi- | people rest assured that so long as they thus pet) tie Monitor represents as being the worst enemics

| American Colonies.—It is sad to think that pro-

The desolating Civil War in the States drags |

urring change of commanding officers. In faet, the only uuvarying characteristic of the

stinet or the intelligence of the proprietors has prompted them unswervingly to pursue the course best calculated to obtain their ends. As long as opposition was possible, they opposed the acqui- sition of power by the mass of the people. When the people's voice, in spite of their must strenuous efforts to prevent it, made itself heard in the Go- vernment of the Colony, they devoted all thein energies to rendering the popular influence inethi cient, by creating divisions among the people. In this they have succeeded. At a time when the principles of toleration were waiversally sacknow- ledged, and in a country where danger to the re- ligious liberties of the people was the last thing to be dreaded, they so Worked upon the prejudices and fears of a large portion of the tenantry as to

Aseendaney.

—

one or two sensation clergymen — and a number of sinalianinded people, whose vanity is gratified, and whose self-importanee is inereased, by being

are, perhaps, a degree or two more insignificant than themselves. Who bave been the losers? We answer, every tenant and every tax-payer on the Island. All those who have been deluded into placing coutidence in that gigantic humbug, the Land Commission — all those who, in con- sequence of the delusive hopes held out by upprin- cipled politicians, have suffered the pangs of that hope deferred which maketh the heart sick—those broken spirited tenants who were encouraged to look upon the Award as the means of their de- liverance from that dreadful incubus — Back Rent—all these who bave been distrained upon by Proprietors, who have made the alleged favor- able terms of the Award a pretext for increased severity; all those whe have te vay from their hard-won earnings the expenses of the aforesaid Humbug, and those of a still greater Mumbug— the Delegation: all those whe, in order to educate their children, are ubliged to pay more than four times their former school tax, or suffer them to grow up uneducated: every poor mau who has te pay a greatly enhanced price for molasses, which, when the season of wilk is passed, is to bim and his children a necessary of existence. These have been some of the losers. During the last five years the public burdens have been steadily augmented, while the public debt has increased to an alarming degree. The whole, or nearly the whole legislation tor that period has been a com- plete make-believe—a desperate attempt to keep up appearances. Nor could anything better be expected. With Messrs. Yeo, Pope, Palmer & Co. in the Government, it would be tolly for the tevantry to expect that any measure really fayour- able to them could be honestly supported and successfully carried. These men bave interests directly opposite to those of the tenantry, but itis requiring too much of frail haman nature te expect that they would sacrifice those interests for their geod, But this is not the worst—it is only natural tw conclude that they would use the power en- trusted to them to further their own interests, and to establish more firmly Proprietary rule in the

Colony. This they have, without doubt, attempt- ed to do. Whether they have succeeded or not,

time alone will show.

It cannot be denied that the people of this Is- land are imbued with a hearty hatred of the laud- lord system. Any man whe has lived a year in the country will be convinced of this. But they have certainly taken avery singular way of ex- pressing that hatred. They have placed in situ- ations vf power and trust those men who are the hfe and and soul of the Proprietary party. They have surrounded the Governor by a set of men who possess no feelings in common with the op- pressed tenantry—men who have been tor years their enemies and oppressors. These, doubtless, have made such representations of the views and feelings of the tenantry as suited their ows pur- poses. They have put it in the power of those who have an interest in keeping them in subjectiou to stifle any measure that may be proposed for the amelioration of their condition. Would astranger believe that a large majority of the people of tiis Island were the openly declared enemies of the

upon Proprietors and their agents? How can Proprietors be ex pected to part with their lands on

struggle hitherto hath been in the amount of denee, they professed instead an ardext zeal for) Proprietors and their creatures, so long will they

i j

carnage and ever widening gulf of mutual ante gonism beiween the parties. —The seizure of the) Steamer Chesapeake, of which we have recently given an account, indicates a new line of action struck out by the Confederates, which, if carried on as successfully in tuture attempts, will serious!) affect the Northern coasting trade and that be- tween the Eastern States and the British ductive industry must continue checked, and Europe stand idly looking on, while the mutual butebery is so long protracted, and no sign of its cessation is yet visible.

The Union of the Lower Colonies, of which so!

of that entire civil fabric which they claim: as the | especial result of their peculiar principles, and of their ewn combined handiwork.

| his sentiments were in accordance with those of

that act should be in itself impolitic by the insu- aE the Constitutional Opposition in the Prussian

lated conduct of a simple individual, or even by the

j much has been spoken and written, will probably |

rotestantism, and an undying hatred of the Rowan Catholic religion They pretended te en- tertain the most lively fears lest the liberties of Protestants would, in some mysterious manner, be spirited from them by the magical arts of the “priests of Rome.” By dark insinuations and well situulated alarm, they excited the fears of that large pertion of the tenantry who, from childhood, have formed the most distorted notions of the nature of the Catholic Church, of the character of her priesthood, and of the principles of those who profess to be guided by her teach- ings. While these appeals were addressed to the fears of Protestants, a series of wanton attacks on the Catholic religion were made by several

|

| be forced to groan beneath the iron yoke of Pro- prietary boudage.

Whev a man is suffering from disease he uses every means that science aud shill can suggest to drive it out of his system. No sacrifice is con- sidered tow great if making it will ensure his recovery. He would be pronounced a madman and a suicide who would deliberately use sueh weans as tended to increase his sufferings and ag- gravate his disease. Such a man would deserve aeither compassion por assistance. Landlurdism is the disease of our body politic. Of late, instead of wisely endeavouring, at all risks, to eradicate it, we have used those weans best caleulated to render it more painful and wore dangerous. It, instead of elevating landlords, landlords’ agents,

called “Grand” and “ Worthy” by those who |

Proprietary syetem when he saw that the offices: and honours in the gift of the people were bestowed |

shall ret and perish in the sun. Pures of might end as well to let them Teach their full growth, as to pluck up one new and then, But it is urged in favor ot the latter course that if the noxivus crop be allowed to vegetate undisturbed they may wholly prison the air with their i. wholesome exhalations. We must admit that ths seeds ef intolerance are yielding to the sowers fully ten-fuld in this Colony. Recently, amidst the bitter breezes, and the biting frosts of d Deecmber, a plant has blossomed forth in the but house of the Monitor. As this plant is remarkable for its astonishing proportions, we Propose te de. scribe it for the instruction of our readers, and ty try our pruning hook upon it for our own amen. went. Dropping metaphor, we may vay thet gy article has appeared in our focal papers for a long time which appears to us to be so intolerant ang unaccountable as the Editorial article ip the Monitor in reference to the Covecert ip aid of the School recently established in the Western part of the city. In the heat of coutroversies writers often say hard things, and the writers in the Monuor often excuse themselves by alleging that many of their bitter articles af@ in retaliation fey attacks made upon the vuluerable parts of sume wember of the Moniturial ¢orps. But this recent display of “all uncharitableness” yo, wholly unprovoked. During the last six morihs we have vet seen the na me of the versatile wenn, who, by the way, is vow @ ornaiwent of the higtty useful aod beuerable pedagugical

coupled with the name of the pubilsher of the Meador. Various reasons have been assigned fur the bad tewper of the artiele. Bile os said to be the basis of much bittermesset spirit. But it isprobable that many of poor J.B. C's angry outpourings are not 80 much the result ot overflowings of the yellow fluid a8 they ave of emptiness of the stommel We thought that the oppositwn given te the Concert by Mr. Cooper and Mr. Laird might be caused by these gentlemen having av love for the

Onavimeus rule in reference to the adiiration of

enligtened mankind for music, history points ong

a lew great men who could never relish the be

loved wf Apollo. Laird aud Cooper way be mem

of this stamp, and their names may be enraiea amougst the other great meu—Voltaire, Dy, Chalmers, Horace Walpole, aud Dr. Johnson,

whe had no music in their souls. We all know

the opinion that the great delineator of humway

nature gives of the man in whose soul there is no

music; and viewing the “ treasons, stratagesus

and spoils’’ that have marked the politica! career

of the Lairds and the Coopers, we are iuelined to

believe that the gentle bard of Avon must have

seen these characters with his “eye in a fine

frenzy rolling.”

Having said 80 mach concerning the canses of the discordant notes of the Monitor about the Concert, we must briefly refer to them. it would be easy for us to take the article of the Monitor to pieces, aud expose it tw the laughter and scorn of our readers. But we prefer to reason with the Government semi-vficial organ, and shew the weakness aud absurdity of his conduct. He says he “ madvertently gave insertion to a vetice of a Concert in aid of the tuuds of St. Joseph's School,” and bo withdrew ii tor reasous to which we will refer.

Now, sumetime sites the Monitor had no scruples in publishing and puffing the vulgar Concerts of * Wood's Minstrels.’ If we mistake not, these Concerts were patronized by His Eacellency the Lieut.Goveruer. They were

ot the British empire. Yet the semi-official Gu vernment organ lavished praise upou them, whilst it has all mauner of evil to say about a Coucert given by uatives and Mritish subjects, residing ia) the Colony, but if the proceeds of the Ooncert were to go inte the private pockets of those whe gave it, the Monitor would bot refuse to pablina the advertisement. Yet, because they charitably. give their time and musical talents ter the wi port of a school te educate the children of the” poor, the Moniter does all % can (which, thank” Heaven, is pot much,) te render it a failure. Now, it the Monitor deems it wroug to provide funds te educate the pour, to be commsivut i. must condemn any effort te provide them with, food and clothing. Se the doctrines of our Ge- vernment officials would allow them to see ther religious opponents perish with cold and hunger; and before God and their tellow men they aught

divine art of uusie. Contrary to the aban ¢

be considered wurderers. But we hope they will shrink with horror from the consequences to

which their own unebristian theories would lead

. : i - : 4 ps . ‘ > ‘ ‘s } . be 7 ’ " * We do indeed | whole minority of the population. whe may atthe | Legislature was due to the heir of the throue as | 24°!" unde-go discussion in the respective Legis- | napunenn of Che Comnerentio’ Wf) party, lay and

feel sorry to have to record it as our decided im-

pression that the day is net far distant which | mast reveal the fact, that whether intentionally | or net, they have at any rate substantially, ouly

as yet, made that use of it which General Taylor |

time compose their own well understood political | +} rai . ; opponents. Here, indeed, we might well stop any |much as to a reversiouer to guard against the

further argumentation in support of this minor | ant wasting the estate; and it may be, that population. The elementary truth of our position | out of respect for the character and feelings of the is quife tow transparent either to require OF | son, the sturdy Prussians may have decided to

was once said to have wade in Mexico, when at) deserve any particular illustration. Those apolo- |

a dead stand for any other material—profaucly | gists tor the conduct of oar Tory administration, |“"dure longer thau they otherwise would have seized it as wadding for their political guns, tu iu reiation to this peculiar topic, whe are thus in| done the idivsyneracies of the sire.

enable them te keep ap what might otherwise | have proved an unsuecessful contest with their political adversaries. To have politically adopted

the Bible fur their real directory—to have strictly | cannot see in so doing they are only supplying | Court.

aad consistently exemplitied its sublime and hely

doctrines ia eithet their private or public capacity | as an experimental compact of Christian men, would iadeved have been a glorious developement

of sterling reform in these degenerate days. It) were then themselves in the habit of denominating | whit

would have caused ux to have verily anticipated | the speedy advent of the long promised millennium te our commen race. But alas! like nearly | every other illusery proguestic of such a cousum- , mation iu times past, we greatiy fear that all those among us, whe may have been induced to regard these reeent unusual Biblical protestations of var present Tory rulers in this particular light, are only onee more duomed, like many of their before towcredulous predecessors on earth, to

the habit of appealing to the Bishop's letter, as a | sufficient justification tor that conduct, must surely therefore be worse than ‘judicially blind,’ if they |

their oppouents with immeasurably strouger | arguments against themselves than they could |

ev n otherwise lave legitimately obtained. The | Bishop, and even the ‘ Bishop’s party,’ as they |

it, were certainly in that winerity at the time of | their taking out legislative action on the Bible | question, Which was powerlessly in opposition to their own dominant political rule, which in itselt coustitutes a fact, pregnant with the very strongest vt all universally recognized reasous, why they should not have paid the slightest attention to the letter in question whatever. And still they have | the assuranee to bring this incessantly forward in special justification vt their owa uncontrolled and

find their hopes completely and forever dissipated. |

‘ uncontrollable act. Manitestly, if this be their Those angry discussions, which have so lately

only practical excuse for that act, it is in all marred tir: secial harmony of this community in| sincerity a pititully lame one indeed. Not only relation to this precise Dible controversy, could | so, but if their act is otherwise in itself indetensible, never surely have derived the slightest counten- | this very excuse must uuder all the knows priv- ance from any thing which that Bible itself eon-) ciples of universal political economy, render it tains. Every one knows that they parteok far! forever, and in every allowable sense, doubly— tow much of a sprit diametrically opposed to the | yes, on their part manifestly and undemiably— sacred teachings of God's Word to lave possibly | doubly impolitie. But the Bishop's letter, they iu any Way acquired their birth from its humane way plead, was written before they beeame the and beniguant preeepts. What were some of the| accredited rulers of the country —before they only practical results which those discussions obtained the civil power as a coustituent Govery- themselves would hitherto seem to have produced jment! Well, what if it was? Ne previous on the current masses of the people!) Were they | Governinent were ever known to have taken any in any knwwn aspect either good or salutary !| public action on the subject, prior tu the date of Were they not rather the very opposite? I my-| their own positive accession to pewer, which self have repeatedly, during some of our late pub- | leaves them still in the same uncontrovertible lie political contests, when the question was rife, | positivon—of having been the first to take open so We speak, among the lower as well asthe higher legislative action on the matter. and it that action orders of suciety, if orders of society can be cor-| can be shown to have been in apy respect im- rectly applied to this couutry, met with men whe | politic, and if they at the same time admit that were actually, to use a couunen proverbial ex-| they were actually influenced in taking it by either pression, “as drunk as Bacchus’’ yociturating the | any or the whele of that mirority of the population mest direful dentneiations against all, as they| which at the time constituted their own well deseribed it, whe would dare to identify them-| gaderstood political opponents—ihen ter posi- selves with those whe would oppose the Buble. To} tion becomes incoumpurably less justifiable, and we what particular shade of polities such wen be-| must charge them with having been the first to longed it could net, of course, ve herd to deter-| adopt a certain impolitie course of action from mine. But this is nothing in itself. They were) what in itself simply amounts to the most at least no eredit to any society; and the only | essentially iuapolitic of all possible reasons. This great underlying truth which they at the time | is clearly a tir deduction front the intrinaical served and still serve to place beyond dispute, is| merits of the case. But to prove that it is’ the pitiful certainty that the very spirit in whieh! positively predicable in its full extent of the actual numbers of the vast ordinary wasses of our popu-| couduct of our present Government, in relation to lation entered from the first into the advocacy of| their particular legislative course of proceedure the then popular Protestant side of this express | on the main question now before us, we must first controversy, wae any thing but either an intelli-! establish the proposition, that that line of conduct gent or a commendable one. Lt was, on the con-| with which we thus mmpeach them was in itself