THE BRITISH AMERICAN.

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of winter. They feel the first coming of cold weather severely ; and the spring may open early. It hurts them to graze in win- ter—should be confined to the barn yard, and there watered; will save all their dung. They should be housed in cold rains, which hurt them more than the severest dry cold. To increase manure, some farmers keep a numerous stock ; but thejust rule is this, no more cattle than will eat all your fod- 'der. In general, one load of hay will make . one load of dung. Estimate your dung by your fodder.

CLOVER will grow on any soil —dry, san- dy, loamy, or gravelly—bears drought bet- ter than any other grass, as it comes for- ward early, and has a long tap root. Sow ten pounds to an acre; in England they sow twenty-—you may bush, or plough it in ; it requires less manure than any other

rass—-mow it in June, when the heads are about half turned, and in the morning. Spread, turn and rake it into cocks before night—-next day, open, spread and turn it _ once or twice, and cockit again ; and let it sweat a day or two before housing. This grass requires all yOur attention in making it ; it enriches land—lasts but two years, and is the only hay that will fat a horse without provender. It is mostex- celleut for swme to feed on ; one acre of rich land, well set with it, will keep twenty hogs well, from the beginning of May to the end of October, without any other food, and the swine will enrich the land. *

EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE. From the John Bull.

Otho issued a Proclamation, in which he tells the Greeks that they have a bloody struggle. and have shown themselves wor- thy of all their ancient glory, and mentiOns to them, as proofs of their magnanimity and the necessity of persevering in it, that their fields are uncultivated. and their com- merce is entirely paralized The young King goes on in a flimsy address, which from the style in which it is written, we should imagine to be the production of Lord I Palmerston himself.

Lord Pglrnerstorl’s other town made King is likely very soon to be returned up- I on his hands ; we have reason to know that he is dissatisfied and unhappy—we mean our own Leopold; that he is insulted .

when he shews himself in public ; that thel

visit of the Queen has, instead of being ei- ther a pleasure or advantage to him, been a perfect failure ; and that his heart is set upon coming back to Claremont,the goose- berry bushes and the lime-kilns.—v And really, considering that the country saves yothing by his absence, we think his return Would be very desirable ; the pines and the grapes are dearer than when he-was here himself, and his French wife will no‘ doubt be extremely popular. Have him

back we shall and therefore we may as well put a good face upon it.

Another of Lord Palmerston’s monarchs. Pedro; or, as the Cabinet call him among themselves. “Peter the Pirate,” is done—— the game is up.

COBBETT ON THE COERCION BILL.

Mr. Cobbett would take that opportunity to express his sentiments on the measure ; he was sorry to think that the bill had been engendered in the heart of an Englishman, and brOught into that House by the hands of an Englishman, but he should deem himself unworthy of existence if he did not stand up and declare the horror he felt at the introduction of such a measure. He had been lately looking into—though, in- deed it was not necessary for him to look into-—for he well remembered—the deeds of Pitt, and Sidmouth, and Perceval, and Castlereagh, but the present measure had an infamous pre-eminence over all the deeds of all those men. In the first place, under this bill military tribunals were to supersede the ordinary courts of justice. They had heard a great deal of \Vhitefeet and Blackfeet, and midnight outrages and murders, but when he looked into the bill, he found that the military tribunals were not confined to the trial of the VVhitefeet and Blackfeet. Those red-coat tribunals were to decide in cases of libel, without the intervention of ajudge or ajury. Now the \Vhitefeet, and the midnight robbers and assassins, were not the writers oflibels. (Hear, hear.) This part of the bill, there- fore, could not be intended for the White- feet, and the midnight robbers and assas- sins. (Hear,hear.) Comparing this bill to others to which it bore any resemblance, he found in it one very remarkable omis- sion. The members of that House were not protected. It had always hitherto been usual to insert a clause, stating that if any member of that house was charged or sus- pected of having committed any of the of- fences against which the bill was directed, its provisions should not be applied to him until the pleasure of the house was first ta- ken. No such clause, however, appeared in the present hill, and any member ofthat house who happened to be in Ireland, ei— ther by accident or design, might at the will of the Lord Leiutenant, be seized and tried before one ofthose red-coat tribunals, and transported the next day. Any one ofthe Irish members of Parliament, who stood up in that house for his country, and against this bill, was liable, upon his re» turn to that country, to be condemned and sent offto Botany Bay before the house ( ould hear of his arrest. And would they allow this ? \Vould the house sink so low as this P The unrcformed, nominee-com- posed, boroughmongering Parliament ne- ver did such a thing. The reformed Par- liament was to be the tool of Whig tyran- ny. [hear.] The object was to establish a military government in England. The right hon. member for Tamworth had in-

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troduced an uniform, well-drilled, order] police, but it was the Whigs who had ar ed them with cutlasses and pistols. (Hear. Foreigners said that ‘-in England we 54: the people truly happy, because there isn military to overawe the oppression of th public opinion. Here we see the Consta ble’s stafi‘, though placed in an aged hand sufficient to maintain order and supper the laws.” That was the beauty of th constitution. He (Mr. Cobbett) was accu sed of a wish to destroy the constitution No. He only wished to see England a happy as she was when he was born. He quoted Blackstone to prove the illegalit ofa standing or mercenary army. Th excuses for the enforcement of this Bill in Ireland were mere subterfuges, and it wa cowardly in ministers to draw back fro proposing the same measures for England. He would prefer manacling Surrey to ma- nacling Ireland. This bill would neve produce the intended effect upon the peo- ple. Nature would teach them that such a species of oppression, yes, nature would teach them that such an act of atrocious tyranny as this, ought to be resisted. But the noble Lord would say, wait till you know this. He would tell the noble lor why he knew it, and why they would re- sist. Ministers would not deny that such

throne. the people to bad government which pla- ced this present family on the throne, and it was a right to resistance which was call ed forth by that party or faction whic bore the name now possessed by those who were on the Treasury benches. Yes, i was the Whigs that inculcath the doctrin of a right in the people to resist tyrann by force, and it was by carrying that doc trine into practice that the present royal family were placed on the throne. Afte Charles the II. had been restored to .th

case whatever should the subject have right to resist the King ; but the people do resist the King, and drove his brother fro the throne. And what was the conse

uence ? In the first year of the reign 0 William the ML, that act was repealed and the law was left as it had been before; and, consequently he would maintain that the people had a legal right, in certain ca- ses, to take up arms and resist the King. Now what were those cases ? Ay, what were those cases? that was the question. Blackstone, in his commentaries, told them, when the principles of government were destroyed, when oppression was VIO- lent, and when the Courts of Justice were inadequate to give the people protection, then had they a right to resist. men the eyes of the

reater than Blackstone (in less men than

on. gentleman opposite,] no