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THE EXAMINER.

A ol HE a Le 4 A GET. Tx Ai OR TTS ™ == aa x BN NEE rrapser want pane . Sean : - a Stath by stato mci SNE TE MORE ETS A REL OT Bye publications. I think it is quite essential to his case,| Repeal, it has been agitated for several years in this crown, by the gibbet—by the jail—and by the sword PUUMUCALIONS, ; ; a? og Ay ' . Ps is Site mi’. J - mine ioe ; lave prescribe -icountry. Mr. O'Connell, whoes powers of mind, andjthe laws of eternal justice forbix row: and with that view the line I have prescribed for| , | ; (ui ternal: ju orbid it. Tlow was that

nyself is quite necessary for ‘ j pais day) of felony, but Isay it broadly and boldly, that England is the cause of the offence of which he is accused, and I will :eans vou haverbeen © cause 1 believe you to be Y Irishmen. “ake nothing from me; I will state upon) high authority :— What does the liberty ofa people consist in? it consists in the right and power to make laws for its own government. Were an individval to iaake Jaws for another country, that person isa despot and the people are slaves. When one country inakes .aws for another country (and that England in making iaws for Ireland, I will deuronstrate, by which Ireland ix enslaved,) the country which makes the laws is absolutely the sovereign country, and the country for

| the Tories for years on this very question, and at the/{reland her 1

demonstrate it. Icare not by what) mpannelled. I addres you, be-| |

.’s 4) a i ale ait s ae ink ; : ; : ; ‘ : honest men and faithful | that Saime government suffered Mr. OC onneii to agitate ifor ages Wudera Common sovereign, by a community

or his defence. My client/great popularity, we all know, bearded the Whigs and| connexion to be weiutained ? _ By justice, by giving to

elits—hLee rights by nature, and her rights ! ght

° . i same time the government were determined that the/by compact—by viving to her her own parliament truly 7 ° , ‘ ; vk : i

measure should never pass. ‘They declared it should] representiny the interests of ihe people. By giving y ivi oak | , te LY Siving to not pass—that they would prefer a civil war, and yet! Ireland that, they might have the two couniries united

that question for years. Was that weakness, or gust,)of interests, and an equality of rights, by mutual affee or both? In the year of 1831, I believe there was ajtion and reciprocal respect; but if for that was substi- Whig ministry then in power, Lord Althorp said injtuted a connexion founded on the trinmph of streneth reference to Repeal —‘Is it not evidént that Repeal)over weakness, they would ime jealously, and distrust must produce a separation of the two conniries? Jjand fear, and hate, and vengeful thoughts, bloody deeds, trust that those persons engaged in a course so dange-)the sure and never-failing proofs of injustice, Let theme rous to the peace and prosperity of the country, will! give to Ireland her own parliament-—not the Parliament not succeed, but if they do, it must be a successful war, of ’82—that was a meteor light which flashed across the and I know that most of my countrymen (meaning the! Jand—it was a deceptive vapour, which quickly vanish- English) feel assared that such an event would be atten-' ed. Ireland wants a fixed star, bright and resplendant

which those laws are made, is in a State of slavery.’ I give that upon the authority of an Englishman— an jonest man in his day—Blackstone. And what does he' say? In constitutional questions he will not be suspected | or accused of being too much in favour of popular rights, le says :—*It follows from the nature and constitution of a dependant state, that England should make laws ‘or Ireland’—(treating Ireland as a conquered country, he is arguing that England had a right to do so.) ‘ Ire- jand’—(this is a conquered country )—‘ conquered, plant- ed, and governed by England, it might be necessary that it should be subject to such ‘laws as the superior state thinks proper to prescribe.’ In speaking of this country, lreland, he (Blackstone) maintains that because [reland had been a conquered country in his days, Ireland of the present time, and for posterity for ever should be bound by such laws as the conquering state thinks proper to make for her, Accordingly England, except for a period of eighteen years, did make laws for (reland. ‘There was a celebrated statute called ‘ Poyn- ing’s law,’ passed in the reign of Henry the Seventh, by which it was enacted by the English parliament that the Irish parliament should not have the power to pass any law for Ireland unless it was first approved by the king and parliament of England, and ata later period, in the reignof George the First, an act was passed declaring expressly in words that England alone uad the rightto make Jaws for the government of Ire- land, so that England, by that law, declared that no law could be passed for Ireland unless they permitted

it; but that the English parliameut alone had the power

tomake those laws.. I question will the able lawyer,

ded with complete success’—that is, Lord Althorp’s —the cordial influence and reflecting radiance of which

‘countrymen would vanquish the Irish, and prevent the may be seen and felt in the glorious union of liberty | * ‘8

act of union from being repealed. He stated that the happiness, and peace; but it was urged that if they did Repeal of the Union would end in separation—that he that it would lead, #8 Lord Althorp had said, to separ- would prefer a civil war, and his countrymen would be ation, and that Ireland would be erected into a separate notorious in that war, and after that declaration was independent state. And, suppose it did, who was to made the present Prime Minister, and his colleagues,|blame for that? England! What right had England suffered that question to be agitated in this country, in|—what right had any country to build and peril its the manner we all know. I say, if it were an honest) greatness upon the slavery, degradation, and wretched. resolve, and that Repeal would lead to separation nessofanother? Let them strip the case of the diseuise —that he preferred civil war rather than suffer the act with which ambition, and crime, and the love of power to be repealed—they should have passed an act of par- had invested it, and what the sophistry of conquerors, liament making it high treason to attempt a Repeal of and princes, and courties, and lawyers, had cast around the Union. ‘hat would be a bold step I admit, which | it—what, then, was it? A strong man, becanse he js no man could justify, but it would be an honest, open, strong, insults his brother man, because his brother man and a bold one. Wecould have understood the thingy!is weak; the slave struggles to be free, and the enslaver but they suffered the man to be entrapped into what) kills him because he strugeles. ‘That was British con- they now complain of. ‘They permitted a strugle for quest and dominion in Ireland ; that was British legisla- Repeal, while they themselves were parties to, and they tion in Ireland. He called upon the jury in conclu- continued the agitation of, a measure which they as-|cion, as they valued their oaths, and as they valued serted should end in separation; and their last act is justice and public good, manly bearing, and "persona! the prosecution of an unfortunate Irishman for agitat-/honor, and as they loved the country of their birth, to ing the question. It might be asked, was there any) find a verdict of acquittal. prosecution for that? There was @ prosecution ; they | —__-emsnmenssssssnesmnenn moe. all knew the fate of that prosecution, and that it ended) nee SeDMevwn:

in the defeat of the Lowi. Mr. O'Connell survived it! PASS Por yey os. —he gave thé agitation a magic meaning—he called it} Nasheed er tn tae oa ‘moral force,’ and was ‘suffered to agitate the question, | Mr. Eprror on Examiner; which he did to the last hour of bis life in this country.; T mean to be plain with you. In 1847,a number of But, although the Whig government foresaw that, ifjus in Princetown Royalty sent a Petition to Governor granted, it must end in separation, they made no Jaw) Huntley praying him, not for a favour, but for a public against it. Nay, more, they restored Mr. O’Connell, right, namely, that he would cause the Commons to be

— ne soe nse enNSNPON EN eo eee

who, in the course of his eloquent address, put questions |the head and leader of the agitation, and several other Commons, and for that purpose would cause the fences to me, deny the accuracy of what I state. Let him con-! Repealers besides, to the commission of the peace ; and of usurpers to be thrown down; and they themselves to trovert it if he can--that down to the present time Ireland|yet now they say it is an offence, under this new act get Paddy’s hint, not again to monopolize public pro- has been deprived of the power of making laws for her-|of parliament, to deprive the Queen of the style, title, perty. Well, the answer that the member to whom it was self. It happened that some years after that a body ofjand royal name of the imperial crown, He (Mr./entrusted received was, “ that right should be done ;"and men appeared in Ireland—armed men—the glorious Holmes) would say, and every man must agree with as he carried his famous ResponsibleGovernment motion, Volunteers of 1782. At that time the parliament of|him, that the very governinent that had instituted this we thought that of course every thing that was just England fora while did justice to this country—they| prosecution had been themselves the greatest cause of would be forthwith done. But August caine and our repealed that act of parliament, declaring that England | bringing this country into the wretched state in which famous Royalty meeting, and speeches from four mem- had the right to bind Ireland; and declared solemnly | it is. His client might be statutably guilty, but he bers, one of them our new Responsible Councillor, and by that act passed in 1783, and from that period Eng-| believed they were worally guilty. It was laid down |still the Commons not cleared; and Novembereameand land announced that Ireland had the power to make her| distinctly by Blackstone, vol. 1, p. 147, that the people| Huntley’s closing speech, and the Commons of Prince-

own laws, and that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, and no other, had power to make laws to bind freland. After that solemn act, in eighteen years—in less than twenty years, the act of Union was carried. By that act of Union, Ireland is said to be represented in the English parliament by one hundred members, whilst the English parliament is composed of five ‘undred—five members to one. Does Ireland—will ‘be learned and able gentleman, the Attorney-General, now say that Ireland makes laws for herself? There never was, in the history of nations, so flagrant an act #3 the passing of anact of union inthiscountry. What was the [rish parliament then chosen to do? To make laws, the ordinary laws, and it had no more right to delegate its powers for that purpose—it had no right to surrender the solemn obligation committed to its charge vy the people—to conspire with the English parliament to annihilate itself than I had. What would be said of the English parliament, should it delegate its authori- iy to make laws for England, or to change anything at

present existing and make anabsolute state ? She would’

have just the same right to do so asthe Irish parliament nad to destroy itselfg and I say it boldly and broadly, as aman, thatthe act of Union ts only binding asa

thing of expediency. Men will often suomit toa certain)

order of things, rather than to run the risk of subverting by force of arms the state of things as established.— No man upon slender grounds should endeavour to sub- vert the order of things; but itis the right of an en- siaved country, and the Jaws of Providence approves ine right, to arm and right itself What man here would ive

Baron Lefroy—Mr. Holmes, we cannot listen to this. You teach those doctrines to the people, for the pub- lication of which the prisoner stands at the bar. We cannot suffer the case of the prisoner to be put to the jury founded on the subject of Repeal of the Union by force of arms.

Mr. Holmes--I will make it appear by the conduct

ef England, and with respect to this very question of

Repeal, that England has been the cause of the present state of this country, The English ministry, by this very question of Repeai, has brought this country into

had aright to have arms, and to use arms against op-'town Royalty are the same. This famous Scotsman, pression. He was not wantonly or wildly broaching/ whom we loaded with butter and honey, and said we doctrines of his own, but was addressing them on con-'took him to our heart of hearts (I wonder where that is ¢)

;

|stitutional grounds and principles; and could refer | say we also petitioned him, and learn the answer was

‘to high authorities and historical facts in support of that the Commons of Princetown should be cleared, and every word he uttered. they found this doctrine of they are as before he came.

Mr. Mitchel, and of others, was condemned by the high| One word with you, and him, and Coles, and all such ‘and the wealthy. ‘They are men—and they are chiefly folk. We begin to suspect thatthe whole is a humbug, to be found in what are called the better ranks of society that so long as we pay your paper and his £500, we will — excellent men—religious men—moral men—kind men, get long rigmarole speeches in the papers, and promises —and if al] mankind were like them, they would have from great men, but nothing more ; so I teli you plainly no such thing as liberty in the world. Peace in their, we want a good bit more of a change before we, who time is their first prayer; and their highest aspiration till the ground, will get justice; and I would not give @ ‘to enjoy the good things of this life. ‘They were con-|rotten potato for all your wn flummery, for the most of ‘soled for the misfortunes of others by the reflection, you are laughing at us in your sleeves; but maybe we'll ‘that the sufferer here is only in a state of trial, on his'cross your hause yet. Iam not, by any means, your passage to another world—that other world, where the ‘obedient servant, nor the Governor’s either, I don’t tyrant must account for his oppression, and where the think either of you pay us for what you get from us, but slave will be relieved from bondage. Oh, Ireland! [ ama hardworking, and I trust, a Ireland! Ireland! thousands, and thousands, and thou-| r sands of thy children have for ages been obliged to look | Malpeque, 31st May, 1848. to that other world alone for a release from their desti- tution. From past times let them turn to the present! . time, and what did they see? An Attorney-General—| Mr. Epitor;

an able Jawyer—under a special commission a most} When you see the signature at the end of this letter, successful prosecutor. Death had followed his foot-|swrely you will print it. ‘Two years since, master pre steps, and it was asked, ought not the assassin to suffer;mised he’d apply to have our Princetown Commons for hiscrime? Yes, but in the history of the civilised| opened, and the Governor that is gone, promised they world, and of free nations, has there ever yet been a na- should be; but Jast summer wore well on and no more tion of assassins? No, assassination is the crime of the open than before, but rather less. Last August was 4 untutored savage, or the brutalised slave. Was the assas-| great meeting at the church, and Responsible Goverm sin to suffer for his crime? Yes, but deep, deep, deep,, ment and Reform was sure to be, so master signe: was the guilt of England in its unbroken invasion, and another petition for the Commons’ opening; and this unjust dominion in Ireland. At the close of seven Highland Governor said, “really and truly they should centuries of wasting wars, wasting laws, and still more be opened.” Now, here is the 5th ef June, and they wasting policy, it was now found necessary to maintain closer than ever, and the rascally robbers that has shut that dominion in Jreland by special commission, state them in taking away all the cream off them. So, iam prosecutions, and military force—by the gibbet, by the starving on Responsibility, which means starving poor jail, and by the sword. He (Mr. Holmes) had heard men’s cows, and giving SOOl. a year to folks as had much in praise of the present chief governor of this|plenty before. To the mischief! pitch all such hypo- ‘country, and it was neither his province nor his wish crites, Coles, Clarke, Rae and the rest; and wish that to say one word in derogetion of his name; but thishe at Government House the cream may turn in the = would say, that were that noble lord tlie best of the good| worse than vinegar, the butter emell like blubber, and

AN Honest Max.

the unfortunate state in which it now is. By their|—where he the wisest of the wise, where he the bravest every cheese fuli of jumpers, so long as they continue luplicity on this question, they are the guily persons, and not my client. On this question with respect to

of the brave—he could not long maintain a connexion starving An oip Cow. © between Great Britain end Ireland under the common! Royalty, Princetown, where if | see them saunteripg