638

DeLee

Ce SAS PAE CPE EC EBLE TEE OF A eR RN LO ELT ETS

THE EXARIE&S. RKTT <

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General, the sum of £150 Cdrrency as and for the wslary of thst office, the same to be over and adove all ees er Allowances now or atthe time of the passing of the Act allowed by Law to the said Officer.

By the fifth, for the present or any future Colanial Qecretary, the sum of £450 Currency, the same to be) ia jiew of all Fees of office, which are to de by him paid} ito the Pablic Treasury for the use of Her Majesty’s| eovernment

The said several annual salaries 4o commence and be computed from the tune when any person shall be appointed to any of the said offices, and to be payable qarterly.

Provided always neverthelees, and be it enacied, That the several su:ns of money hereindefore mentioned and zranted shal! always be in heu of any Salary or Salaries voed by any Act of the General Assembly of this .slaad to the heretabdefore mentioned Officers.

ComrrnsaTion To THe Caicr Justrice.—lt is pro- vided that there shall, tmmediately after the passing of the Act, be patd unto the Chief Justice, as a coinpen-a- twa for the reduction in the amount of his annual Salary made by the Act, the sum of £500 currency.

The Bill also provides, that from and after the passing | af this Act, the offices of Colonial Secretary, of Regis- trar of Deeds and Keeper of Pians, and of Clerk of the Executive wad Legislative Councils, shall be separate and distinct offices, nor shall they or any two of them, be heid together as heretofore, by one aad the same individual,

Nuspexpine Crausz.—aAad be it enacted, That this Act shall not go into operation, or be of any force or effect, until Her Majesty's assent shall be signified thereto, and an Order made by Her Majesty ta Council, that the Quit Rents, Crown Lands, and Permanent Re- venues belonging to the Crown in Prince Edward Island eforesaid shal! be surrendered, and placed at the dispo- sal of the Legislature thereof, and that all monies arising therefrom shall be patd into the T'reasury of this Island, and thata system of Responsible Government similar to that now in force in the Provinces of Canada, New Bruaswick, and Nova Scotia, shall be granted to, and astablished in this Island; nor until notification of such Her Majesty’s assent and Order to be made as aforesaid, shall have been duly published in the Royal Gazette Newspaper of this Island.

Coroniat Secretary's Satarr.—Mr. Montgomery, Chairman of the Committee, afier having reported the Bili agreed to in Committee with several amendments ; gad the report having been again read—moved to amend the same ia the clause granting a Salary to the Colonia] Secretary, by striking out “ Four hundred and fifty,” and inserting “ Four aundred” in lieu thereof.

The House divided on the motion of amendment.

Yeas :—Mr. Montgomery, Mr. Lord.—2.

Neye:-—Messrs. Coles, M'Neill, Yeo, Hon. Soliciter General, Longworth, Thornton, Haviland, M‘Donald, Boston, Mooney, Clark, LeLacheur, Warburton, Whe- jan, Flyan, Fraser, Jardine, Laird, Pope, Davies. —20. — t.

Compensation to Tak Cater Jusrice.—Mr. Mont- gomery then moved in aimendment, to strike out that part of the clause granting £500 by way of compensa- tion to the Chief Justice.

The House divided on the motion of amendment.

Yeas :—Mr. Montgomery, Mr. Longworth. —2.

Naya:—Messrs. Davies, Pope, Laird, Jardine, Fraser. Flynn, Coles, Whelan, Warburton, LeLacheur, Clark, Mooney, Beaten, M‘Vonald, Haviland, Thornton, Yeo, h‘Neill, Hoa. Solicitor General.—19.—Lost.

Yesterday (Friday) the Bill was brought up fora third reading, and, a great deal of debate having taken place respecting the compensation to the Chief Judge, was finally passed bya vote of 16to4. =,

For the Bill,—Messrs. Coles, Clark, Flynn, Whelan, Beaton, Fraser, LeLacheur, M‘Donald, Jardine, War- — M‘Neill, Davies, Pope, Mooney, Laird, Lord. —18. 620 8

Againet the Bill,—Messrs. Montgomery, Longworth, Yeo, Haviland, Solicitor General.—5.

EXTRACTS FROM LORD JOHN RUSSELL’S SPEECH.

Weecan make room for only the following extracts from the Speech recently delivered by Lord John Rus- eell on the policy which is henceforth to characterize the administration of Colonial affairs. Alluding to the Jong talked of separation ofthe colonies from the Em- pire, his Lordship observes :

“The proposal that Zaglind should now forego her colonies, the noble Lord characterised as an abandon- ment of dignity, a sacrifice of strength, anda derelic- tion of the duties of humanity towards their native races,

. whom we might be abletocivilize, “IT come now (said he} to a question which has been much agitated, and which hae found supporters of very considerable ability _aiamely, that we should no longer think it worth our while to maintain ear colonial Empire. I say, that | consider it to be our bounden duty to maintain the colo-

.- gieg which have been placed under onr own charce

.«4 Loud cheers principally fram the Opposition side of the

House.) [think we canaot got rid of the obligation

{way to their own prosperity, better than ifthey were

benefit, and I trust we may be the instruments of iin- proving and civilisimg those porhions of the world in which they are situated. (Renewed cheers.) In the next place, I say that there are many reasons why we

should consider that our colonies form part of the

strength of the empire. (Hear) I thiuk that tm peace ag weil as in war, tis a question of the utmost import- ance whether weshould retain these supports of the luuperial authority of this country, or whether we 02008 be deprived of thein.” = * ae EE

“ Sir, if this scheme is not consistent either with our honour or with our policy, there are others which have been proposed which | think equally objectionable. One is, that. we should altogether abandon any share in the government of our colonies, and that we should likewise refuse them any means of defence. I think, ir, that such a system would very soon lead to the same result a8 the proposal } have just noticed. (Hear hear.) These coionies would suy, ‘if we are not to be defended—if we are to receive no support from Great Britain—let us look for other protectors; let us ask other States if they will assist us with their arms, and protect us against any attacks which may be made up- on us.’ oa 2 o at * * * 8 “If asl firmly believe, it is our duty to maintain our great and valuable colomal empire—(cheers)—let us gee that thuse principles are sound which we adopt in our colouial administration ; let us see that they are like- ly tg conduce to the credit of this country, and to contri- bute to the happiness and prosperity of our colonies. (“Hear and cheers.) With regard to our commercial policy, I have alreaty said thal the whole system of monopoly is swept away. What we have in future to provide tor is, that there shall be no duties of monopoly in favour of one nation and against anvuther, and that there shall be no duties so high as to 2e prohibitory against the produce and manutactures of this country. i think we have a right to ask this in return for the pro- tection which we atffurd to the colomes. i now come to the question, as to the mode of governing our colo- nies. 1 think that, as a general rule, we cannot do bet- ter than refer to those maxims of policy by which our ancestors were guided upon this subject. It appears to me, that, in providing that, wherever Englishmen went, they should enjoy Buglish freedom—(hear, hear)—and have Knglis® insutuvens—(hear, hear—they acted justly and wisely.. ‘They adupted a course which was calculated to promote a harmonious feeling between the mother country and the colonies, and which ena- bled those who went out to these distant possessions to sow the seed of comunnities of which Kngiand may always be proud.” ° * * . * . ‘In Canada he argued that self-government was al- ready sanctioned to the point of satety; and, while mak- ing the startling siatement that @ proposal for its anaex- ation to the United States had absolutely been made to the Government, declared that the integrity of the

decided neyative. (Loud cheers.) And although it hag been made, | trust, for the character of several of the persons who have expressed themselves in favour of such a proposftion, and who have Joined the association, that itis not their intention to push their project of an- nexation to the ngighoouring State, to extrewities, te attempt to effect it by force of arms; but that, know- ing the determined will of the Goverament of this coun- try, and of Her Majesty’s advisers, they will acquiesce in what is the decided decision of the Crown. (Cheers.) [ inust say, Sir, that I wonder, at the same time, that any person who professed loyalty should have entertain- ed a project so unjustifiable; for if, unforiunately any difference should have arisen between this country and the United States of America, they would have felt themselves in the position of raising their arms wgainst British authority, and fighting against the British flag. (Hear, hear.) Such, then, Sir, is the condition of Cana- du; and if the present ministry in Canada be sustained by popular opinion (and | believe the late elections that have taken place during the recess rather show that they will be), if they are sustained by the majority of the Assembly, they will remain in office. (Hear.) But if any contrary opinion should arise, and the colo- ny should appear to be adverse to them, the Governor- General will actstrictiy according to the rule that has veen laid down, and replace them by those who have the support of the majority.” e ” : . “1 think, I have stated enough to show that, both in the North American colonies and the Australian-colonies, it ts our disposition to introduce representative insiitu- tions, and to give full scope to the will of the people of those colonies, and thereby enable them to work their

controlled and regulated by this country.” ° * *'The next point, I think, ia that in conformity with the policy on which you have governed your British North American colonies, you should, as fur as pessible, go on the principle of introducing and maintaining political freedom tn all yourcolonies. | thipk whenever you say political freedom cannot be introduced, you are bound to show the reasons for the exemption, and to show that the people are a race among whom it 13 impossible. to carry out the free institutions--that you must show it

ie i ea VE Ug tres pret YSIS Se. acenmaiian ‘ th

empire would be preserved atall hazards. ‘Vo that! proposal, of course, the Crown can give nothing but a|

Scent aaectppeenenesapeaeeenne cod maintain da your different colomes men of the Bry. sh race, and capable of yoverning themselves; imey whom you tell they shail bave full hverty of governing ‘hemselves, and that while you ure thei representative with respect to all foreige concerns, you wiek to imter- fere no further than may be clearly and decidediy necessary to prevent aconflict in the Siate itself. 4 be- heve these are the sound principles oa which we ought io proceed. e ° s ° ° ° . * [ believe not only that you may proceed oa those pra ciples withoat any danger for the present, but there may be questions arising hereafter which you may solve without any danger of such an unhappy conflict as that which took place with what are now the United States of America, (Hear, hear.) Qn looking back at the origin of that unhappy contest, Lcaagnot but think vast it was not a single error or a single blunder which got us into that contest, but a series of repeated errors and repeated blunders~—-of a policy asserted and then re treated from—again asserted, and then concessions made when they were too late—{hear, hear)—and of obstinacy when it was unseasonable. I believe that it was by suck a course we entered into the uahap- py contest with what were at the beginning of it, the loyal provinces of North America. I trust we shall never again have to deplore sucha contest. (Hear, hear.) I do not anticipate with others that when some of the colonies may grow in population and wealth, that theymay say— Our strength is sufficientto enuble us ts be independent of England ; the link is now onerous to Ge —the time ig come when we think we can, in amity and alliance with Englaud, maintain our independence.’ | do not think that the time is yet approaching. (Heaz, hear.) But let us make them, as far as posible, fit te govern themselves—let us give them, as far as we can, the capacity of ruling their own affairs—iet them in- crease in wealth and popalation, and what ever mar happen, we of this great empire will have the consol. tion of saying that we have contributed to the happiness of the world.”

exaeenteesiaenniecet en Oe nite —

The London Times has the following remarks opoa the Speech from which the above extracts are given :——

“ Were we challenged to criticise Lord John Rus- sell’s exposition of our Colonial Policy, we should pre- bably describe it as utteriy wanting in oratorical effect. (On a great subject, and delivered to an attentive assem- \blage in the first Senate of the world, it scarcely once breaks from the pace of a business-like statement. Yet no British subject of heart and sense can rise from the perusa! without feeling that he 1s present at « crisis of our national destinies, that he is taking part in great acts, and that he ts standing et 2 point where the story of the past only serves to open the more splendid vision of the futare.—Afier many costs and toi!s, and in the nidst of a great social contest, the British Empire ts now on the point to be the mother of nations. ft is, in- deed a season of trial and uncertainty, but the most glorious days of history have dawned ip doubt, and it 1s only what every conquering host bas suffered on the inorning of victory, if England is now speuat with exer tion, harrassed by perplexity, and saddened by the re- collection of many reverses. The man who ean sit down and read our colonial history simply as a thing of \he past, may well rise from it with unmitigated disap | pointment. But read that history as the beginning of better titngs, of which a fair promise is now at least . showing itself, and we say confidently that it is enough: to make any Englishman proud of his country and hw age, He belongs to a country whose mission it is to sow half the werld with free institutions; and he be- longs to a me when that mission is ‘ulfilled. All thet England has to doat this moment is to watch the dires- tion of events, and to acknowledge the claims of ber own people. She must neither domineer over her off- spring nor cling to them with a doting fondness. She has only to consider what is best for them. - Sach is the policy of our present statesmen. No other poley would go down, either at home or in our colonies, and all the credit it will bring to our rulers is that they bave the sense to see what is actually wanted, and the,me-. desty to doit. It is this spirit which gave Lord John Russell’s address last night a power that ne eloquence could have imparted.”

———

The Examiner.

SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1850.

LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS.

On Thursday and Friday (yesterday) the House of Assembly was employed nearly the whole time in Com- mittee on the State of the Colony. After much disews- sion on Thursday evening the following recolutions were reported agreed to on a division of 17 to 4:

1. That the Constituencies of this Colony have yr-

equivocally declared themselves in favour of Respors:- ble Government by the return of a large majority. ef,

13 not formed of the British people, or even that there is no such admixture of the British population as to make it safe to introduce representative institutions. Unless you can show that, [ think the general rule would be,

nad responsibility to govern those colonies for their

their Representatiyes who were pledged to carry out. that measure. di 2. That the Despatch, dated 29th Decomber, 1849, . from the Colonial Office, laid this Session before the

that you should send to the diferent parte of the world,

Howse, was pot eo clear as was desirablo; yet, (he