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ALMANAC FOR APRIL, 1886.
{MOON'S CHANGES, Néw Moon 4th day, 10th., 18:1m., a. m. 8. E. Firet Quarter llth day, 4th, 31 5m, p. m, SW Pull Moon 19th day, 10th, 46.7, a. m, N. Last Quarter 26th day, th, 3.0m, a. m, E.
D! Sun /Sun | Moon! High! Days. a werk sae sets rises | eater len’h h mh mmorn faft’'n |h m 5 44/6 23) 4 26) 9 8.12 39 2514 54) 945' 42 26| 5 22/30 20 45 27 5 49}10 53 49 29; 6 17)11 27 52 30| 6 48)morn 55 32; 7 23;0 2 58 33| 8 2|} 040/13 2 34; 8 48) I 2) 5 35,9 41/2 9 8 37|10 40,3 6 19 38/11 46) 4 20 13 40\aft 56) 5 49). 16 41} 2 81712 21 42) 3 21) 8 16 24 43\ 4 34,9 7 27 45) 5 47/| 9 51 30 46) 6 57\|10 32 33 7,8 7 7 48; 9 13/11 49 39 50/10 12\aft 26 42 62;11 12) 1 6 46 53imorn; 1 48 49 54; 0 1) 2 33 52 55) 0 45! 3 26 55 56) 1 24) 4 32 58 58} 1 55) 5 43/14 1 7 0} 2 29) 6 51 4 1) 2 67) 7 46 6 4 52:7 2] 3 23) 8 33/14 9
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CHARLOTTETOWN, PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14, 1886,
HOME RULE
CHAMBERLAIN AND LORD HARTINGTON ON THE QUESTION—-FRIDAY NIGHT'S DEBATE.
Lonpon, April 9.—The house was again! crowded to-night. Among the visitors, were the dukes of Connaught and Cam- | bridge and many peers snd ambassadors. | Although the large attendance to-night’ showed the intense interest that is taken in| the progress of the debate on the Irish bill, | the public excitement over the subject has somewhat abated. Mr, Gladstone was heartily cheered when he rose to intimate that the debate would be continued until Monday, when he hoped to close the dis- cussion,
MR. CHAMBERLAIN
was received with faint cheers upon rising to resume the debate. He said he rose more for the purpose of making a personal explanation than with the object of enter- ing upon a detailed discussion of the speech | of Mr. Gladstone. Continuing, he said) that when he was asked to join the govern- ment he told Mr. Gladstone that he did not think it possible to reconcile a separate par- liament at Dublin, as demanded by the irish members, with the conditions of full guarantees for the security of the empire, and Mr, Gladstone informed him that all he wanted then was an independent inquiry into the subject of the government of Ire- land. He wrote a letter to Mr. Gladstone on January 3rd, in which he explained that he could not consent to the establishment of aseparate parliament in Dublin, and it was on that understanding he consented to join the cabinet. He had presumed from what Mr. Gladstone told him that the whole cabinet would proceed step by step in consultation to build a scheme of home rule not involving separation. It was not! until March 13th, that Mr. Gladstone startled the cabinet by bringing forward a scheme involving the issue of £150,000,000
in consols.
At this point Mr. Giadstone, interrupt- ing, reminded Mr. Chamberlain that he had not received the permirsion of Her Majesty’s Government to reveal the land proposals,
Mr. Chamberlain, continuing, said he would reserve his explanation. He did not resign on the land purchase proposals alone, but on the whole scheme. Still, he asked, how he could explsin his position if his hands were tied? (Conservative cheers) He asked if he might be permitted to read his letter to Mr. Gladstone.
Here an angry discussion took place bet» ~ “Ss. Chamberlain and Mr. Glad- at e | Mes Mxauhberlain thereupon complained that hie explanation would be lame and in- eomplete. He would never be able to justify his conduct to the house and to the country. He took four principal objections to the scheme for the Government of Ireland. The first was to the proposal to exclude the Irish members from West- minster; his second objection was to re- nouncing the right of imperial taxation; in the third place he objected to the surrender of the appointment of judges and magis- trates, and finally he objected to the supreme authority given to the Irish parlia- ment in matters not specially excluded from its authority. Since he had left the cabinet, he said, an important change had been made by retaining power over the customs and excise duties, but the proposal now appeared utterly inconsistent with the principle that taxation and representation should go together. He further objected to any scheme that laid upon the British tax- payer a tremendous liability, with excessive risk, as such a project could only be looked upon as a bribe to modify the hostility of Irish land owners to home rule. He did not believe the Irish people would agree to be deprived of all voice in the control of matters and policies in which they were deeply interested, and he asserted that Ire- land was being asked to occupy a degrading position which the people would never ac- cept. Further, the contribution which Ireland was to be called upon to pay to the imperial treasury was fixed by the scheme and could not be increased, even in case the United Kingdom should be placed in a position of the direst peril, and where then, he asked, was the integrity of the empire ? The financial question, he continued, dis- played itself into two parts. The English taxpayer would object to any additional burden being thrown on him to nake good Irish deficiencies, and the Irish taxpayers, if there was a deficiency in the budget ow- ing to the failure of the excise and customs duties, would be called on to pay new taxes, failing which the government would be obliged to repudiate their obligations. The scheme would be accepted grudgingly, and in the course of two years there would be an attempt to revise or alter it. As for himself, rather than face the future agitation which would be certain to prevail between the two countries, rather than face the dis- tractions and foreign complications which would arise by having a quasi-independent government, he would vote for separation pure and simple. (Loud cheers.) The op- ponents of the government’s scheme were told that the only alternative was coercion. That was not his alternative. The agrarian discontent had arisen chiefly through evic- tions by the landlords. He would propose to deprive the landlords of the power to evict for six months, guaranteeing them six months’ rent, the land being security for the sum advanced. During this period a} peace commission, composed of members of every section represented in parliament, could conduct and exhaustive enquiry into the land question. Besides this, he looked for a solution of the question of the home rule matter in the direction of federation. He was not, he declared, pedantically pledg- council. Under a federation, Ireland would | remain an integral portion of the empire. The principle of federation had been suc- cessful in Italy, Germany and America. It would, he assirted, maintaim the imperial unity, and at the same time satisfy the de-
te ti ca
ernment, local legislature. Mr. Chamber- lain's speech was received with much cold- ness.
MR. HEALEY
ltaunted Mr. Chamberlain with using his)
five years’ experience to attack a minister of fifty years’ experience. He ridiculed the scheme of Mr. Chamberlain as impractic- able, and as involving an indefinite post- ponement of legislation.
SIR JOHN LUBBOCK
(Liberal) said he believed if the bill was)
passed at all it would be against the wishes of the great majority of the people of the country. The bill was entirely opposed to the views expressed by the premier in his Midiothian speeches, and its results would be the dismemberment of the empire.
THE MARQUIS OF HARTINGTON
rose to speak at 10 p.m., and was loudly cheere& It required, he said, no prolong- ed examination of the scheme submitted last night with so much eloquence and ability to say that the project for eatablish- ing future relations between this country and Ireland was ons to which it would be absolutely impossible for them to make themselves parties. (Cheers.) The dis- tinguishing feature of the act of union was the creation of one sovereign legislature which was to be the sole legislative body for the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ire- land, andit was a kingdom thus legislative- ly united that was meant when they spoke of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, (Cheers.) The country, he said, had had no sufficient warning—it had had no warning at ail—that any proposals of the magnitude and vastness of those which were explained last night were to be considered in the present parliament, much less that they were to form the first subject for consideration. (Cheers.) The House of Commons had no moral right to imitate legislation of which the constituencies had not been previously informed, The result of the last election was not altogether what had been expected. The present triumph of the Liberal party was not as complete as had been anticipa- ted, and if it had been known that the first work of the new parliament and a Liberal ministry was to be an entire resettlement of legislative relations between England and Ireland, it was impossible to say the result might not have been the return of a large Conservative majority. (Opposition cheers). If the proposals of the prime minister were accepted by the Irish members, it would only give them a vantage ground for de- manding fresh concessions. Whatever may be the fate of the measure, its intro- duction by a responsible minister would have done much that could never be re- called. (Cheers.) This measure would henceforth be the minimum of the Irish de- mands. If, as he thought likely, it did not command the support of the people of the country, its introduction without adequate consideration or preparation would have added vastly to the great difficulties of the future government of Ireland. (Cheers.) He could not believe that the people of England would consent to the loyal minor- ity in Ireland being handed over to the majority without more effectual protection than was afforded by the provisions of the bill. (Loud cheers.) If the scheme was good for Ireland it was equally so for Scotland and Wales. If the latter de- maaded domestic legislatures of their own, and the demand was conceded, the result would be that there would be a house of parliament, with every Scotch and Welsh member excluded, acting as an Imperial legislature for the whole United Kingdom. (Oheers.) if the people of England and Scotland thought injustice was being done to the minority in [reland, that minority would not appeal to them in vain, and he feared that in that way this bill intcoduced in the interest of peace was likely to occa- sion more serious disturbances than any that had yet arisen. ‘‘ We cannot,” he said, ‘‘ escape from responsibility by the delegation to another body of executive power which we know would be used by it in @ manner we should condemn.’ Con- tinuing, he said: Now that the people had been brought face to face with the alterna- tive of the disruption of the empire or the evils and calamities that follow from the rejection of this scheme, they would, he be- lieved, require that their represeatatives should, in relation to Irish affairs, agree to sink all minor differences — (opposition cheers)—and unite as one man to hand down to their successors the great empire complete as they had inherited it, and to maintain tnroughout its length and breadth the undisputed supremacy of the law.
Lord Hartington’s speech met with a bet- ter reception than did that of Mr. Cham- berlain.
JOHN MOBLEY, on rising, was grostetr™ with vociferous cheers by the Parnellites. Hesaid the de- bate to-night had been a painful one, and he little thought that at the last he would be called upon to vindicate his position against two of his older comrades in politics; but the occasion had come, and he agreed that the crisis was one in which private feelings must yield to public con- siderations. Though he had little to fear in the ransacking of past utterances about Ireland, he thought it would be better for the purposes of that high constitutional debate to pass a general amnesty and ab- stain from attempts to prove political in- consistency. If the members of parliament thought so ill of the people of Ireland as to think that they would be in sympathy with
‘burglars and conspirators, let them not
talk about free institutions ; let them show the courage of their opinions, and say beldly what many of them thought—-that Irishmen were not fit for self-goverament and were not ripe for representative insti- tutions. Liberal as he was, radical as he
ed to his former proposals for a national|was, he would rather go upon the liues of |
strong repression than proceed upon 4 policy that had been pursued for the last fifty years. Neither Chamberlain nor Har- tington appeared to realize that the imme- diate and pressing problem before parlia- ment was how Ireland was to be governed.
Sincie Copirs Two Cents
VOL. 18--NO. 121
hive thought it neeessary to have referred to Mr. Gladstone's statement during the ‘civil war in the United States, that the ‘South had made a nation. That was a mistaken judgment on that historical oc cassion, but history would judge it very leniently when it looked back ppom:it, also Greece and Bulgaria, and now upon Ire- ‘land. As to the course which Mr, Chamber- lain advised should be taken in preference to the scheme of the Government, it was the most extraordinary provision ever made by a person of Mr. Chamberlaip’s eminence and character. The preliminary measures would not pass in a hurry, and when passed they were only to prepare the way for a scheme of federation, which only existed in Mr. Chamberlain’s active and energetic speech. The late government did not play with a serious danger. The failure of the policy of the present ministry would be a signal for the necessity of dealing |with the league. That was not to be done by a pen and ink _pro- clamation. It would mean the passing of the coercion act, giving the executive in Ireland power to suppress meéetings, to arrest persons on suspicion, and to enter houses, and it would be necessary to lock ‘up a good many priests. He called on | Lord Hartington for a statement as to how jhe would prepose to rescue the country ‘from a renewal of the past policy of altern- | ative hesitation and precipitancy. The | Proposals of the ministry were in their |opinion the only lines which, under a ers |tem of free and popular institutions, the | government of Ireland could be carried, jand he (Morley) beli¢ved that an Irish leg- 'islature would be as capable of performing 'the duties of legislation in a spirit of jus- tide as any body of men to be found in any part of the world. (Cheers.) Those who recognize the danger would be disposed to give the government proposals a fair con- sideration. If they differed from them, they ought to be prepared with ‘an altern- ative policy, and they ought to make that policy conciliatory and complete.
On motion of Lord R. Churchill the de-, bate was adjourned.
i } |
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emma
P £ (SLND RAILWAY.
Sale of Unclaimed Goods.
A SALE of Unclaimed Goods will take place at the Freight House, Charlottetown, on MON- | DAY, 19th APRIL next, at 10 o’clock a.m.,(Stand- ard time).
JAMES COLEMAN, Superintendent} | Railway Office, Ch’town, March 27, 1886.
—dy tu fri tl sle pat mon th t1 sie wky prs 2i
; | :
ALL PERSONS
JAVING Accounts with the undersigned, same being past due, will please take | notice that settlement, either by cash or note, must be made forthwith or they will be , banded over to the'r Attorney.
, BEER & SONS.
sires of the Irish peuple for logal self-gov- He regretted that Mr, Chamberlain should March 29th, 1886—marél 2wks eod wy Imo
il amet le RE a
(ex,
a ee
pe
gan Lee 2
geen
SS