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thursday, april 2, 1981', page 20

The "case. in Northern. |

by Paul G. Herring

Northern Ireland is a keg ,of dynamite waiting for a spark to ignite it: that spark may well come from the second major’hunger strike in the infamous Maze prison. This second strike, begun on March 1, by politically-motivated prisioners seeking P001. status from the British government, became necessary after the negotiated settle— ment reached from the first strike ran into trouble. The 34 page agreement was suddenly altered - after the fact - by" the British government so that its administration became unworkable.

of Britain's attitude to- ward them and their cause- The new strike is there— fore a sign of solidarity,- and shows a renewed belief on the part of the prisoners that their purpose is justi- fied. However, if one prisoner should die, the political powder keg will have its spark, and West— minister knows it. There will be no winners in all this, but it is important to seek the reasons behind the present crisis in the North in order to better under— stand the complex and frightening situation. _ The partition of Ireland, finalized in 1925 following a long and bitter civil war, was the beginning of the present crisis, for by it Ulster was divided so as to guarantee a Protestant maj— ority in this section of the Catholic-dominated island. In Northern Ireland today, of slightly over one and one half million peo— ple, about 35% are Catholic and are concentrated in the , Western half of the province. The East is predominantly - Protestant, part as a result

of the proximity to Scotland, the original point of ancestry

for many Irish Protestants. Once established, the pattern of political and economic control began with relative calm in the 1920's and 1930's. Throughout the Brook— borough years (1943-63), the Protestant-dominated Unionist government fostered

and maintained the inequality

of the Catholics so that ' politically the Catholics were under-represented in Belfast. Predominantly Catholic Derry was gerry— mandered so that the major— ity of the seats were con- tested in Protestant areas

To the prisoners this was just another example

of the city, with the Cath- olic majority only voting on a minority of seats. Thus a Protestant majority arose in a Catholic- dominated area. Without political say, very little could be done to bring

the needed economic re- forms. With the coming of O'Neill government to ' power in 1963, however, things began to change.

The .relartsiqye decline of mainstay industries such as textiles and ship building was putting the economy through a rough period. 7 O'Neill began to solicit

_ multinationals to fill the

gap. He also tried to heal the wound opened be- tween the North and Eire (Republic of Ireland). The prime minister of Eire was invited to the

~Northl his arrival

sparked angry reprisals from ultra-protestant members of the government led by the Rev. Ian Paisley, who saw this as a direct attack on Protestant inter- ests. With O'Neill's moceracy came a new force. The Catholic voice of dis- content arose, hoping to fall upon O'Neill's some- what sympathetic ears.

The call for civil rights was on.

In Ireland, the period . from 1963-68 was one of , instability, dmaracterized by governmental disruptions (i.e. breaking of party ranks) and the rise of a united Catholic presence. From initially lobbying Unionist politics, the Catholics soon became or— ganized, and civil "rights marches flourished. The main complaints were not originally political but economic. Why were Cath- olics paid so much less

than Protestants? Why

were they confined to ‘ specific industries in lower echelon‘positions? Why was housing so poor?

And why was the Catholic

population generallyun— skilled, when their Protestant counterparts were usually skilled or semi—skilled? A call for action was heard across North. '

‘ It was not long Before V clashes occurred between civil rights marchers and right-wing Protestant extremists. It was not the demands of the Catholics that were threatening, because they were not excessive, but rather that Protestant interest were being threatened. If parity existed, eConcmic demands ‘ would turn political because economic stability enables attention to turn to poli- tics. (hoe this happened, the underpinning” of Prot- estant dominance would be threatened.

On October 5, 1.968, the first violent confrontation ocoared. A march containing local Catholic dignitaries and about 400 members was stopped by policy in Derry. As the marchers dispersed, more police came from be- hind andstcpped them. A clash occured and several people were injured.

Media coverage of the event drew wide attention, and support for the civil rights movement After an ambush on Burn- tollet Bridge on 4 Jan. 69, where several hundred Prot. extremists (reportedly Paisleyites) attached mar— chers going to Derry from Belfast, the battle lines were drawn. The realiza-

‘ tion dawned. that economic

reforms could come about

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only as a result of changes within the political , structure. .

After this event, a more, clearly defined Catholic V', conscience arose; it- was

' realized that “only through

political activism could real d'nange occir. - The

rest of the porblemirested ’with the Unionist government in Belfast. Given the lack of political stability garding the Catholic question, and police indifference to- wards Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholic marches, most‘Catholic working class people began to feel that their only hope was ' unity and the marches. The position of Catholics and

Protestants began to harden, .

w ' th 'de stead resolea tgladuevmgaigy

ends by whatever meansvwere necessary. . ‘

By the summer of 1969, Catholics were united for political and economic respectability, and Pro— testant political ex- ' ‘ tremists were equally united to guard their favored position at all costs. On 12 August 1969, after a stoning incident in Derry where Catholic pel- ted a march by the Appre ntice Boys, an Orange lodge affiliate, the police ‘ attacked, chasing the youths back into the Bog- side (the Catholic slum

' cf Derry). However, the mainly Protestant police force was repelled by Bog- side residents who viewed - , the scene as a police attack. Petrol bombs were used against the police and by midnight, police were retaliating with the use of tear gas. »

As the news spread to Be1-‘ fast, the Catholic population became outraged by the attack and riots broke out. It Was'

7 not long before Belfast too

was uncontrollable. Chich- ester-Clark, the new premier of Northern Ireland, realized that all was getting out of hand. P01ice were exhausted, and becomingtense. On London‘s suggestion, he deployed 8500 B-Speeials (Ulster Special Constabulary) to try to gain control. The problem was that these were mainly Protestant, ’ and their reputation was very anti-Catholic. The net result of their deployment was an

. incensed Catholic population, complete "loss of control, and heightened violence. 'mis _. intensified situation-was the. 5 fault of the B—Specials,"’fcr -

- while they initially regained control over some areas, it ‘7 was not long beforeSOIme of; L: