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LAND, TUES

eae ne ee

This is true Liberty, when Free-Born Men, having to advise the Public, may speak free. --Rvairimas,

NE Eee ea -

Imperial Federation.

(Written for the Halifaw ‘' Critic” by Rev. Principal Grané,)

By law, by sanctions of the past, by the will of the people, weare subjects of the Queen and ciizenscf the British Empire. In the interest of the institutions we heve

net limited to one continent, subjects aad citizens we are determined to remain. The Empire embraces now more than three hundred millions of people. It is an Kuro- pean, ap African, gn Asiatic, an American, an Australasian power. More than any other nation it has been true to the cause of humanity and the cause of God, and this has been its great underlying force. This, more than anything else, is the explanation of its wonderful d- velopment aad the sccret of its glory. ‘' Who steals my purse steals tresh,” but whasehall be said of him who would rob us of our share of such an in- heritance !

Imperial Federation! We have it al- ready, although just because ef the succots of the Empire, because of its expansion and of changing conditions here and elsewhere, it is not in a position of perfect political equilibriam. Ireland thinks that the links becween itself and the central authority are too numerous and close. In the case of other members, the links are too few. But who will say that either case is beyond the resources and powers of stateamanship, and that the only remedy is to cissipate the organism into fragments, and rduce the present order to chaos, with the necessary rosult ef chaos, conflict! Who, then are Federationists? . All who favor the maintenance of our connec- tion with the Empire, who are willing to do all the duties that are implied in that con- nection, and who in opposition to those who favor disruption or revolution plead ior @ closer union than we have at present, a wrion in which for every privilege there shall be a corresponding responsibility, for every burden aitd danger a oorresponding share of powes, and for every right a cer- responding duty. Then the Esipire shall have attained to the stable political equii- brium to which the great Federations of Germany, Adstro-Hungary apd the United Stases have, in our time, attained, afer long and longer periods of instability. These Federations now show every sign of permanence, although half-a-century ayo Germany was simply ‘‘s geographical ex- pression,” Auatro-Hungary an ‘ ethnologi- eal museum,” with interests -and races a unrecongiled that tn its days as a colleciion were numbered, and there was scarcely single practical statesmen who did not predict failure, soon or late, to fhe experi- ment of the Americas republic.

Bnt what do practical mem say of the project of a Britannic Confederation better organized than at present for the mainten- ance of common interests and the discharge of common duties |

So far asl know, the men of affairs in Australia are in its fayour. St. Julius Vogel, the ablest statesman New Zealand has ever had, would prevent a Colony separating from the Empire by war. Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir Charles Fupper, the Honorable Oliver Mowat, and Dalten McCarthy, have attended meetings of the Federation League in England and spoke in favor of the object, and years before they spoke, the Honorable Edward Blake advocated a partnership with the Mother Mountry, in which the Dominion would have its rightful say, and be bound to pay its fair share in matters of Imperial concern. Hf Blake, Mowat, Galt, McDonald and Tup- pev, are not practical men, where are we to look for theta in Caneda + [ am aware that some of Mr, Blake’s followers:profess, that while his vote is on one side, his heart is on the other. Those whe so speak are ai the saime time insulting him, and describing themselves. They do not kyow Mr. Blake. As to the Mother Country, no practical atatesman has spoke againgt the echeme, and though some have, for very good revsons, net yet committed themselver, an extraerdinary number have spoken out in its favor. It is suf€cient to instanee on the Conservative side, the leader of the Heuse of Lords, the leader of the House of Com- mons, Lord Carnarvon and the Right Hon- orable W. H. Smith, the most practical politicians in the Government; and on the Liberst and Radical side, Lord Roseberry, W. E. Forster, Sir Lyon Playfair, and Me. Jozeph Cowen. All who know English polities will acknowledge that every one of those eight gentlemen is a thoroughly re- presentative tnan.

Why should the project be deemed im- practicable? It was found «quite practi- cable to build up the British Empire, though had any o:e, a century ago, pre- dicted snch a result as we now see, he would have been called visionary, except when a stronger word came handy. Why, then, shenld it not be practicable to con- serve what we have? It surely needs less wisdom to hold en to money than to make money. The difficulties in the way, thanks to the progress of science, ere becoming less every year, and we shall write ne plus uHra over the portals of science /

Flow did our fathers manage to build up such an Empire? Simply by being true to themselves and true to one another. They went out from home to eolanize the waste places of the earth. They offered to trade with every man who was willing to trade with them. Asa rule, they did justice,

pressed races more than ever any other nation has yet succeeded in doing. Of, course, they made mistakes, as creatures whose whole lives are a mistake, whose whole theught is of some point to turn with wpturmed eyes. It will be time enough fer us to tell them thelr mistakes when we have atteined to their staturo. ! have talked with Scottish, German, Am- |erican, French Missionaries, mea who had ‘left home because their souls were aflame with love to men for Christ’s sake, and

ie bere nn

ont ae oi he. rearentnee eaeek JS |counsetion with the Empire, and they hold es ils ve a nas a i de,z| those liberties on eondition of being, trvo;and to these we have nothing to say. ell as for the commen cause, and un to the Empire.

et 08 fo een one ‘ Joale| the inspiration of hopss, duties aud idesls’ - dition, and we have a right to look for!

| Destiny of Cannda,” a book in which, from and so conciliated the affections of op-|4 freak of mood, or because of one of his

DAY, DECEMBER 29, 1885,

all have thanked God that He had mate Britein ruler in India, and practically suler in Egypt, Turkey, and elsewhere. | Are not we, toe, English and Freneh- ‘speaking alike, thankful that He gave, Canada also to Britain. The French peo-. ple in Canada had not 4 single political | privilege, they had neither civil nor reli- gious liberty, till after the conquest of | 1763. All their liberties they owe to their |

Good faith impose» that.

good faith from every man, Would the farmers of Ontario, of the Maritime Pro- vinces, of Manitoba, be now enjoying their pleasant places, had not the Empire gained the land for them, and fought “for them) wvain and again. Weuld Vancouver's Island have been British, had not Britain been resolute to fight for Nootka with what was the great powerof Spain even in thé elghteenth century ? If living here at all, L ‘might have been a Rvoshian, b might have beén ‘a’ Prooshian,” had it not been for England, and when men oF nations dissever themselves from ali that has made them what they are, they are nigh uuto destruction.

Produce your plan, then,for the complete Fedesation of the Empire, exclaim critica, pen in hand, eager to show that the pian is imperfect. Great has been the annoyance because the Federation Leagve has not formulated and pinned its faith to ascheme, with details that would be objectionable to different sections ‘uf the people, and be. cause it actually refuses to so commit itself. Some critics contend that no .plans have been proposed, and that we are forbidden to suggest any. ‘To say so, is amazingly in- correct. Even so far back as 1876, Lord Derby said, ‘Many plans have been pro- posed for connecting Australia and Canada more closely with this ceuniry, but,’ he added with his usua! caution, ‘never et one that looked as if it would work.’ And sinca then, «scarcely a month has pessed without some gew proposal being made, or some contribution cffered te the solution of the problem. One man may be in favor of one plan, another in favor of something else, a third may hold that there Is no occasion for haste, end all uray be in favor of waiting for iight, while we define clearly the line along which we {intend to travel. Is the aititude of the Federation League so very strange? A man may dgenounce the evils of the party system, and skeich a more excellent way, and yet feel that the people at the present stage, are not fit for euy other methed of working free institutions Ia the fonr- teenth or fifteenth century, he might have been canvinced thet 8 Raform of the Church was needed, and yet have fels him- self incompetent even to sketch out the Refermation beforehand. He may now feel acutely the evils of Sectarianism an believe that a church of the future will arise and give a freeh demonstration of the power of Christianity to the world, and yet knew sadly that such a church must grow slowly, and thatit is notlikely to take its complete shape in his day. The Home Rulers of Ireland have dechared from the days of Mr. Butt that one Parliament sit- ting in Westminster could not possibly do all the work of three kingdoms, and that Ireland, from its position, suffered most in consequence; but when summoned to draw up their plan, they wisely declined. Ad- mit she justice of our position, they said, and statesmen will soon be able to draw out a workab!e scheme.. And now the justice of their main contention is admitted, and Lord Salisbury on one side and Mr. Glad- stone and Mr. Chawberlain on the other are offering concessions that Mr, Butt, at any rate, would have been abundantly satisfied with. I do not provounce on the exact amount of Home Rule that would be good for Ireland; but how can any one who’ is accustomed to our Provineial system deny that there isa principle at the bottom of

deny that the Home Rulers did well to in- sis; on the principle, rather than fritter away their strength in the discussion of details on which they themselves might not have been united, and every one of which would have been made to bear the who’e burden of the seheme !

What, then, is our present duty as Can- adiens ? We must make up our minds as to. the direction in which it is right that we should move forward. Move, we must. A living society ‘cannot be stationary. As a political organism, we are now confessedly incomplete. We caunot remain perman~ ently in the Oolonial position without losing immensely more than we gsie. I am in- clined to think that we have already arriv- ed at such astage in our development that we are losing more than we gain by our con- dition. of dependence on the Mosher Country, and that every day’s delay in ascerting our readiness for a position of equality is a loss to us in everything that makes character and mekes men. We are, therefore, called upon to decide whether we shall go forward in the line suggested by our pasi, in the line of our natural and nations, growth, or prepare for Revolution. For, Annexation is Revolution, and Inde- pendence would be a cvatly prelude to Annexation.

The only excuee for giving a sentence to the consideration of Annexation, is that so very able a man as Goldwin Smith believes that we must come to that. Acoording to him, ‘Canadian Nationality being « lost cause, the ultimate union of Canada with the United States appears now to be morally certain.” So he speaksin ‘‘ The Political

limitations very extraordinary in a man of his insight, he attributes to the English

—_——

the Trish demand, and how caa any one|,

nme ad. a

Snovecs Coprza Two Crs,

VoL, 18--NO, 31.

a

Belgium votes for union with France, and Holland for union with Germany, and Switzerland divides itsclf between Italy, France and Austria, Cavada may be found knocking at the door of the great Republic for admission. As long as we are free to consider it, the question of Annexation may be safely relegated to one of those epochs, or to the Greek Kalends.

There are two classes whu adyceate Inde- pendence. Some use the word as a cloak,

Others are in earpvest. They are inspired with right sentiments. They tell us that we are of age, and that we should assume the responsibilities of manhood. But, is it necessary to begin our career as ful!

‘grown wen by stripping ourselves of almost

everything that we as a people value! Is it necessary that we should separate our- selves from all the accumulated wealth, visible and invisible, that our fathers have gathered during more than a thousan‘ years, and from all interests except those that relate to our own industries, and that are bounded by the horizon of Canada ! Such a proposal will not be seriously enter- tained by men whothink. Men of commen sense will ask, ‘‘ Are we even prepared to afford Independence?’ When objectious are taken to the cost of one High Commis- sioner to England, what would be said of the expense of a complete Consular Service, and of Oommissioners or other representatives to all the countries with which we would have to enter into Treaty relations, Besides, we cannot forget that our national life is not sufficiently strong to stand a very good strain, because of diver- sity of race and religion, a diversity local- ized in a keystone Province, and ap: arently more intense now than ever. It is, per haps, unnecessary to go on breaking a butterfly on the wheel, when a lawn tennis bat is sufficient to kill it, but at least two questions must be answered clearly and satisfactorily to ordinary Canadians before they willdream of cutting loose from the Empire. Firat, what would Independenco give us that we would not get better by full ubity, on terms fair to all parties, with the Mother Country ? It is auswered, a quick- ening of natioual life? Does the fndepead- ence ef San Domingo or San Marino, of Venezuela, of Servia, inspire their citizens with lofty aime or tend to elevation of character? Qn the day we cut adrift from Britain, every Canadian will fee! himself a smaller man. May euch a day never come to me or my children! Secondly, what would we Ilse by independence ! Almost everything that a country needs. Federated, we would be part of the strong- cat, wealthiest, freest, grandest empire in the world. Atone, we could neither build iron-clads, nor defend our fisberies, our i coasts, or Our interests and people abroad. At sea, we would be helpless; and on land we would be dependont on the forebearance ef our neighbors. We wonld lose more than strength—we would lose inspiration.

And yet it is clear as sunlight,that unless Federation takes place within « measurable time, independence is inevitable. And although independence is simply the pre- lude, probably an igneminious—perheps a bloody— prelude, to anuexation, no wonder that the Independents aud anne xationists unite in railing at all who are in favor of Imperis! Federation.

—_— aN sf

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the latest Paris

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